Spare Me the Sermon On Muslim Women By Mohja Kahf - Washington Post

FAITH OF MY MOTHERS
Spare Me the Sermon On Muslim Women
By Mohja Kahf
Washington Post, October 5, 2008; Page B01

Crimson chiffon, silver lamé or green silk: Which scarf to wear today? My veil collection is 64 scarves and growing. The scarves hang four or five to a row on a rack in my closet, and elation fills me when I open the door to this beautiful array. Last week, I chose a particularly nice scarf to slip on for the Eid al-Fitr festivities marking the end of the month of Ramadan.

It irks me that I even have to say this: Being a Muslim woman is a joyful thing.

My first neighbor in Arkansas borrowed my Quran and returned it, saying, "I'm glad I'm not a Muslim woman." Excuse me, but a woman with Saint Paul in her religious heritage has no place feeling superior to a Muslim woman, as far as woman-affirming principles are concerned. Maybe no worse, if I listen to Christian feminists, but certainly no better.

Blessings abound for me as a Muslim woman: The freshness of ablution is mine, and the daily meditation zone of five prayers that involve graceful, yoga-like movements, performed in prayer attire. Prayer scarves are a chapter in themselves, cool and comforting as bedsheets. They lie folded in the velveteen prayer rug when not in use: two lightweight muslin pieces, the long drapey headcover and the roomy gathered skirt. I fling open the top piece, and it billows like summer laundry, a lace-edged meadow. I slip into the bottom piece to cover my legs for prayer time because I am wearing shorts around the house today.

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Advani Vs. Musharraf at Agra

Musharraf was 'really upset' when asked to hand over Dawood: Advani
NewKerala.com; Oct. 4, 2008

Excerpts:
New Delhi, Oct 4 (IANS) Former Pakistani president Pervez Musharraf had 'got really upset' when he was asked, during the 2001 Agra summit, to handover mobster Dawood Ibrahim to India, Bharatiya Janata Party (BJP) leader L.K. Advani recalled Saturday of his talks with Musharraf on the occasion.

Speaking here at a seminar on 'War on Terrorism', Advani said he had made his request to Musharraf even before reaching Agra for the summit. 'I told Musharraf that I had just signed an extradition treaty with Turkey, and India and Pakistan should think about it. Musharraf agreed.

'I then added that even if there is no extradition treaty you should hand over Dawood Ibrahim to India, because the court and intelligence reports charged him him for his role in the 1993 Mumbai bomb blasts. After this, he (Musharraf) got really upset,' Advani narrated.

At least 257 people were killed in the 1993 Mumbai serial bombings.

Elaborating on the reason why the Agra summit had failed, he said: 'When Musharraf took a stand that there is no terrorism in India and in Jammu and Kashmir, there could be no agreement (with Pakistan). The step was justified and showed the government's zero tolerance approach towards terrorism.'

Advani also said that calling Musharraf over was a political decision, taken by Advani and by then prime minister Atal Bihari Vajpayee....

Infamous for his quote that 'Not all Muslims are terrorists but all terrorists are Muslims' while he was home minister in the National Democratic Alliance government, Advani Saturday said that it was 'wrong to malign a particular religion and it was also counterproductive'.

'Even if the Quran is quoted in threatening emails by terrorists, we should not malign a religion. It is the particular interpretation of Al Qaida type of groups,' Advani said.

He added that Hindu scriptures could also be misinterpreted and it would be 'intolerable if people malign Hindutva because of that'.

Advani defended the party's repeated demand for reviving the anti-terror law Prevention of Terrorism Act (POTA), and said: 'We accepted the Supreme Court's directions and precautions to check misuse of the law. This shows the determination of the BJP to make proper laws.'

He said that in normal conditions the accused does not have to prove his innocence, the liability is on the prosecution to prove him guilty. 'But these are different situations and it is totally justified that the accused has to prove his innocence.'

'The attitude to fight terrorism is more important than the law,' he remarked and accused the Congress-led UPA government of lacking in it.

'The government cannot provide security to its citizen and Delhi's chief Minister Sheila Dikshit's remark about the murdered journalist of being 'adventurous' is totally outrageous,' Advani said.

The seminar was organised by Rambhau Mhalgi Prabodhini, a BJP-sponsored think tank.

Understanding the insurgency

ANALYSIS: Understanding the insurgency — Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
Daily Times, October 5, 2008

The October 2 suicide attack at the residence of the ANP chief, Asfandaryar Wali Khan, was another frightening reminder of the escalating threat to Pakistani state and society. Coming less than two weeks after the Marriott bombing in Islamabad, the Charsadda attack shows that Pakistan faces something more than pure and simple terrorism, often explained, if not justified, by pro-militancy elements as a reaction to American presence in Afghanistan.

The ANP is not known as a pro-US political party, and it has always stood for an independent foreign policy with an emphasis on conflict-free relations with all neighbours. Its support for counter-terrorism is based on protection of Pakistani society, particularly Pakhtun society, from religion extremism and violence.

The latest suicide attack shows that anti-Americanism is not the sole explanation for the activities of Islamic militants. Pakistan faces an insurgency led by the Pakistani Taliban with their core base in the tribal areas. They appear well entrenched there, and their activities are now aimed more at the Pakistani state than at supporting the Afghan Taliban, as was the case in the past (though they still cooperate with each other).

The Taliban want to consolidate their territorial control in the tribal areas and extend it to as many parts of the NWFP as possible. They would like to establish a political and administrative domain that will have Islamic features similar to the Taliban regime in Afghanistan during 1996-2001. They also have an ideological agenda of making their domain available to other movements that share their “Islamic” agenda. Their approach also involves extending influence and control throughout Afghanistan and Pakistan through allied hard-line groups.

The attack on the ANP leader can be explained only in the backdrop of this ideological and territorial agenda. Unlike the MMA provincial government (2002-2007), the present ANP government in NWFP has openly challenged the efforts of Pakistani Taliban to expand their domain at the expense of the state. The Taliban asked the ANP government to resign, which the latter refused. Therefore, the Taliban view the ANP leadership as an adversary that obstructed the implementation of their agenda. Their bid to eliminate Asfandyar Wali failed, but it underlined the point that the Taliban will target individuals and entities that are blocking the realisation of their agenda.

Pakistan now faces an insurgency whose leadership wants to displace the state and government, or at least restrict its domain. If the government of Pakistan cannot neutralise these challenges through military and political means, it will become increasingly irrelevant in many parts of what is today Pakistan. This is the most serious challenge to post-1971 Pakistan: an armed and well-organised movement has entrenched itself in the tribal areas and now threatens to displace the Pakistani state from as much area as possible.

This state of affairs did not develop in a year, but gradually since 2001. The Musharraf regime and the MMA government in the NWFP allowed these elements to entrench themselves and expand their influence.

The Pakistani Taliban is a post-2001 phenomenon. After the capture of Kabul by American and Northern Alliance troops in November 2001, most of the original Taliban and Al Qaeda elements initially disappeared in mountainous regions like Tora Bora. Later, they moved into FATA and parts of Balochistan adjacent to Afghanistan. A good number of them already had links in Pakistan though the madrassa system. Their entry and stay in the area were also facilitated by shared ethnicity, religious outlook and the desire to free Afghanistan from American occupation.

The continued presence of the Afghan Taliban and Al Qaeda mobilised local Pashtuns, some of whom had fought with the Afghan Taliban first against the Northern Alliance and then against the Americans. These local Pashtuns began to organise themselves under inspiration and support from the Afghan Taliban and Al Qaeda, later naming themselves the Pakistan Taliban.

Three factors facilitated their growth. First, the initial target of both sets of Taliban was Afghanistan. As they did not challenge Pakistani authorities, the latter did not generally interfere with their activities unless they got involved in local feuds and disturbed the law and order situation.

Second, the Musharraf government pursued a dual policy of confronting and arresting some Al Qaeda and Taliban elements but not pushing security action against them to dislodge them completely. Local civilian and intelligence authorities had enough discretion to give some space to these elements. This helped the Musharraf government get the MMA’s backing and consolidate itself. It was only after the Red Mosque incident in July 2007 that the MMA began to distance itself from the government.

Third, local authorities under the MMA government in the NWFP did not try to stop the Taliban march from the tribal areas to adjoining settled districts because they shared their worldview. By the time the MMA government left office in 2007, the Pakistani Taliban had reached several rural and urban centres of the province. Further, the MMA opposed the federal government’s military operations in the tribal areas.

The Pakistani Taliban (backed by their Afghan counterparts and Al Qaeda) decided to challenge the Pakistani government openly in settled areas after the Red Mosque incident because they viewed it as the beginning of the government’s new policy of subduing their Pakistani allies. A series of suicide bombings hit Pakistan in 2007-2008.

The recent spurt of violence is a Taliban reaction to the present PPP-led government’s unambiguous policy of countering terrorism. The latest military action has also hit them hard in Bajaur and Swat. A significant development in the tribal belt is that non-Taliban tribesmen have started supporting military action against the Pakistani Taliban. They have been taking action against militants and protecting Pakistani forces’ supply lines. The Pakistani Taliban have increased suicide attacks in order to force the government to stop these military operations.

Pakistan faces an insurgency in the tribal belt that targets the settled areas. The aim of the insurgency appears to be to subdue Pakistan’s state and society. The on-going operations are meant to remove this challenge. The ANP and the MQM have also taken a public position against extremists and militants. Islamist parties do not support the government’s tough line and military action against the Taliban and Al Qaeda. The PMLN and the PMLQ (the ruling party under Musharraf) do not support military action and express reservations on the current government’s handling of the situation.

These parties are unable to fathom the threat to Pakistan, and continue to view these developments through their anti-American lens. Some of them describe the situation as a conspiracy engineered by the US, India, Afghanistan and Jewish extremists.

Even if there is merit to such conspiracy theories they cannot be tackled by suicide bombings, burning of girls’ schools, public executions, Islamic-sectarian killings or inter-group conflict. There is a need to see the emerging challenge of insurgency in its true perspective.

Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst

How Pakistanis View US Presence in the region

Pakistanis have long held doubts over US presence
* Gallup poll says 45% think US presence in Afghanistan poses threat to Pakistan
* 33% say anti-terror co-operation mostly benefits US
Daily Times, October 5, 2008

WASHINGTON: Pakistanis were doubtful of their government's anti-terror co-operation with the United States even before President George W Bush authorised US military action inside Pakistan without their government's approval, according to a poll out on Friday.

The poll by the Gallup organisation, taken in June, found that almost half the Pakistanis, or 45 percent, thought the US military presence across the border in Afghanistan posed a threat to Pakistan. Only 17 percent said it was not a threat and more than one-third, 38 percent of respondents, had no opinion or would not answer.

Anti-terror co-operation: The poll found that one in three of the respondents said the US relationship with Pakistan in President George W Bush's campaign against terror mostly benefits the US. Only 7 percent - fewer than one in 10 - said Pakistan benefits more.

More than that, 10 percent, said both sides get nothing from the partnership.

The findings were based on face-to-face interviews, in the first half of this year in Pakistan, with approximately 802 people 15 years old and older. The Federally Administered Tribal Areas and the Azad Jammu and Kashmir region were not included in the poll. The margin of sampling error is plus or minus 5 percentage points. ap

Asfandyar Wali survives suicide attack

Asfandyar survives suicide attack
The News, October 04, 2008
By Javed Aziz Khan & Sabz Ali Tareen

PESHAWAR/CHARSADDA: Three inquiry committees have been constituted to probe into a suicide blast at Wali Bagh on Thursday, second day of Eidul Fitr, in which four persons were killed and 18 others injured.

The additional inspector general (AdIG) investigation, NWFP, is heading the high-level inquiry committee, while one is being headed by the SP investigation, Charsadda, and another by a senior officer of the Federal Investigation Agency (FIA).

The experts of the FIA and police examined the site of the blast and sent the specimen of the body of the suicide bomber for a DNA test. At least four persons were killed when a suicide bomber blew himself up at the Hujra of Asfandyar Wali Khan, President of the ANP, who was the target of the attacker at Wali Bagh, Charsadda.

Those who were killed included a police official Shabbir Ahmad, gunman of the ANP president Yar Zameen, a poet and officer of a local bank Fazal Ghani and a party worker from Buner Shamsuzzaman, who were laid to rest at their respective hometowns amid moving scenes.

The ANP chief remained unhurt despite he was hardly 12 feet away from the bomber, when his brave gunman, Yar Zameen, embraced the attacker in a bid to stop him after he was coming straight to Asfandyar Wali amid bullets being fired at him from different sides.

“He forced his entry into the Hujra just when a group of 30 to 35 people were going out. He was between us and the cops that is why the policemen on main gate could not open fire on him. However, those at the side fired at him but he remained unhurt as I could saw only dust billowing from his body when it sustain any bullet,” Asfandyar Wali told newsmen.

He added that during the firing the attacker came close to the veranda. “At that time Yar Zameen opened fire on him and when it also did not work he embraced him and threw him on the ground before he came over the attacker who then blew himself up,” the ANP chief said while showering praise on his brave security guard whose body was reduced to pieces.

Asfandyar Wali made it clear that the ANP would not change its policies due to these attacks. “I must make one thing clear that if somebody thinks that we, the followers of the philosophy of Bacha Khan and Wali Khan, could be stopped from the way that we have opted to take, he is mistaken. We will sacrifice our lives for this soil but will never give it up to the terrorists,” the nationalist leader said.

Asfandyar Wali and his family were shifted to Islamabad in helicopter after the tragic incident. There were already threats to the life of the ANP chief and other stalwarts of the party since terrorists were operating in various parts of the Frontier province.

Strictest security arrangements were made at the Wali Bagh for Eidul Fitr as thousands were expected to visit the venue to condole with the family over the death of Sangeen Wali Khan. A walk-through scanner was also installed on the main gate.

However, the bomber made his way to the veranda despite all the security measures. According to the Inspector General of Police (IGP), NWFP, Malik Naveed, police had made strict security arrangements and that was why the attacker could not cause more damage or casualties.

“It was a pillar of the Chopal (a straw-made shade) that protected Asfandyar Wali. He was not going to run or lay down on the ground when all the other persons sitting in the veranda secured their lives either by laying down on ground or rushing away from the Chopal,” an eyewitness told The News.

He added that a police officer requested the ANP chief to duck down on the ground for cover but he refused. There were reports that the bomber, who was wearing a bullet-proof jacket, fell on the ground for a while after suffering a bullet in his leg but he again started running towards the ANP leader.

Also See:
Asfandyar unfazed after suicide attack - Dawn
Red Cross: Pakistan "is now a war zone" - The Seattle Times
‘Asfandyar’s murder would have triggered civil war’ - Daily Times

Is it Pakistan's War or Not?

Is it our war or not?
The News, October 04, 2008
by Khalid Aziz

Pakistani media is replete with discussion about the war in the tribal areas and the response of the militants in the form of suicide bombings and armed confrontation as in Bajaur, Darra, Hangu and Swat or the Marriott bombing in Islamabad. It is being said that the war Pakistan is fighting is actually America's war and has been thrust on us. Secondly, it is also said that if Pakistan was not advancing US interests there would be peace. This is an absurd type of reasoning based on a partial reading of history. The real cause of instability is the absence of an analysis of the process of identity formation in Pakistani since 1947.

Our problems did not begin in 9/11 or with the invasion of Afghanistan by the US. They began much earlier with the efforts of a religiously driven lobby to undo the original concept of Pakistan which has been under attack since Independence in 1947. The argument that it is not our war is in effect another effort to fix our identity within the radical camp. What type of a nation we will finally turn out to be is the real matter under contest. It has divided Pakistan, pushed us into unrealistic foreign policy options with India and Afghanistan and created fighting militias in our midst. In the process we have made our country dysfunctional. The state is hardly able to provide security, justice, empowerment or human development. That is the reason that it is not winning the battle for the hearts and minds of Pakistanis.

The idea for a separate Muslim state in India was used as a negotiating lever to derive more benefits from both the British Imperial rulers and the Hindu majority. The proof lies in the conduct of the Muslim League. Had the formation of a separate nation been a goal before 1946, the Muslim League would have mobilised and prepared itself for the establishment of a separate nation. No preparations were undertaken. Compare this with the work done in the mobilisation and preparation by the Indian National Congress.

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Will change of ISI chief improve Pakistan’s policy, image?

Will change of ISI chief improve Pakistan’s policy, image?
By Amir Mir, The News, October 4, 2008

LAHORE: The elevation of Lt-Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha, the Director-General of Military Operations (DGMO), which is often described as the nerve centre of the Army, as the new chief of the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI), has raised prospects of a shift in the direction of the ISI in the US-led war against terror and the Taliban-linked militancy in the tribal areas, bordering the war-torn Afghanistan.

The changes seem to be part of a much broader shake-up of senior assignments involving 14 new promotions and senior commands which came at a time when the the Army chief is consolidating his own position and Pakistan is recasting its strategy in the war against terror following the once most trusted American ally General Musharraf's exit from the political scene. The main theme of the new appointments, which have been made nine months after the new Army chief took over, seems an assertion of greater control by Gen Ashfaq Kayani. Military circles believe the choice of generals getting promotions were entirely his own. The reshuffle also establishes Kayani's coming of age, cleansing his force of Gen Musharraf's controversial legacy by sidelining those who were closely aligned with the former military ruler.

As a part of the Sept 29 changes in the Army, Lt-Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha succeeded Lt-Gen Nadeem Taj, who was considered to be a close associate of former president Musharraf. Taj, is was also distantly related to Musharraf, could not serve as the ISI director-general for more than a year. He took over as the ISI chief on Oct 8, 2007, after his promotion to the rank of Lt-Gen by Musharraf.

Military circles say Ahmed Shuja Pasha, who has been directly in command of an ongoing military campaign against Taliban militants in his capacity as the DGMO, is well respected at the Pentagon. Known for his public statements in support of Kayani's moves to depoliticise the Army and to combat militants, Pasha is considered to be a staunch Kayani loyalist who has attended all six meetings between the Army chief and the US Chairman of Joint Chiefs of Staff, Admiral Mike Mullen. The last such meeting was held on Aug 26, 2008 on the aircraft carrier Abraham Lincoln.

Lt-Gen Pasha's appointment as the ISI chief comes almost two months after a July 26, 2008 Cabinet Division notification, announcing that the ISI directorate had been taken out of the prime minister's establishment and placed under the interior ministry. However, the government decision was rescinded the very next day.

Incidentally, Pasha has assumed the command of the ISI when relations between Islamabad and Washington are touching their lowest ebb since the 9/11 attacks. As the chief of the ISI, Pasha will be dealing with the American CIA whose chief recently stated that the threat of yet another 9/11-like terror attack on American soil is actually emanating from Pakistan and it has significantly been enhanced by the growing cooperation between Pakistani Taliban militants and elements of al-Qaeda. Military circles say Pasha's appointment means there would be hardly any change in the present Pakistani military strategy of dealing with the militants in the tribal areas.

Lt-Gen Pasha's elevation also indicates Gen Kayani's close alignment with the American strategy in the tribal areas, attempting to rope in the ISI to neutralise the anti-US forces among the Taliban and other militant groups in Afghanistan and Pakistan.

Pasha, a Pashtun officer from the Frontier Force, was previously the Commandant of the prestigious Command and Staff College at Quetta, and Commander Pakistan Contingent (PAKCON) in Sierra Leone in 2002. Promoted from the rank of brigadier to that of maj-gen by Musharraf in January, 2003, Pasha is set to serve the armed forces for four more years as he is due to retire in Sept 2012. He has commanded an infantry brigade and an infantry division and has served as the Chief Instructor of the Command and Staff College.

As a brigadier, he had served as a contingent and sector commander with the United Nations Mission in Sierra Leone in 2001-2002. Interestingly, Musharraf had relieved Pasha as the DGMO in Oct, 2007 to pave the way for his appointment as Military Adviser, Department of Peacekeeping Operations, in the United Nations headquarters, in place of General Per Arne Five of Norway. An announcement on his posting in the UN headquarters was also made by the office of the UN secretary-general. However, his posting did not materialise in view of the growing crisis in the trouble-stricken Swat Valley and the NWFP which were literally falling to the Taliban, prompting Musharraf to order an intense military operation against the militants led by Pasha, being the DGMO.

As a matter of fact, it was Pasha who got the TNSM (Tehrik-e-Nifaz-e-Shariat-e-Mohammadi) founder Maulana Sufi Mohammad released from prison after six long years in May 2008, as part of a peace deal between the military and the militants, to bring peace to the area. In January, 2008, Pasha had announced that his troops had defeated the TNSM and freed the Swat Valley from the control of the TNSM. His claim came to haunt him shortly thereafter when the militants in Swat led by Maulana Fazlullah, the son-in-law of Maulana Sufi Mohammad, staged a comeback, launched a series of suicide bombings targeting the security forces, and eventually re-established their control over large parts of the trouble-ridden Swat Valley. The fighting there is still going on.

In addition to Lt-Gen Nadeem Taj's removal as the ISI chief, two major-generals, heading the internal and external wings of the ISI, have been denied promotion and superseded. Maj-Gen Nusrat Naeem, the head of the ISI's internal wing and Maj-Gen Asif Akhtar, the head of the ISI's external wing, have been superceded, but have been allowed to continue till their superannuation as major-generals.

Another important change within the ISI is Maj-Gen Zahirul Islam, who has been appointed as the director-general counter intelligence, the second most important post in the ISI. According to military circles, these changes show Gen Kayani and Lt-Gen Pasha would install their trusted generals in the critical operational jobs. As a result of the reshuffle, Gen Kayani will have in the key slots of the Chief of General Staff (CGS), Director-General of ISI, and Corps Commander, Rawalpindi, those people who owe their promotion as lieutenant-general to him and not to their former boss Gen Musharraf. These three coveted slots make up an informal troika within the Army without whose support no Army chief can stage a coup, as per the conventional wisdom. The khakis appointed to these slots as well as to the post of the DGMO are usually considered to be confirmed loyalists of the Army chief. Military circles say the Army reshuffle indicates that there is unlikely to be any change in the Kashmir policy of the Army.

Also See:
A Shake-Up at the Top of Pakistan's Spy Agency - TIME
Focusing the Spy Glass on Pakistan's ISI - Shuja Nawaz

U.S. watches for payoff from Pakistan intel move: Reuters

U.S. watches for payoff from Pakistan intel move
Thu Oct 2, 2008; Reuters
By Randall Mikkelsen

WASHINGTON (Reuters) - Pakistan's decision to replace its intelligence chief moves toward addressing a long-held U.S. concern about the country's ability to fight border-area militants attacking in Afghanistan, but may not succeed on its own.

The Bush administration, wary of inflaming anti-U.S. sentiment in Pakistan, has been quiet in responding to the appointment this week of Lt.-Gen. Ahmed Shujaa Pasha as director-general of the Inter-Services Intelligence (ISI) Directorate.

But one U.S. official said Pasha, a former head of military operations, is strongly qualified for the job.

In making the move, Pakistan's army chief Gen. Ashfaq Kayani put in place an ally with experience in border areas that Taliban and al Qaeda militants have made their hideout, the U.S. official and terrorism analysts said.

That could strengthen the Pakistan military's hand in fighting the militants, whose attacks against U.S.-led forces in Afghanistan are on the increase.

"He (Pasha) comes to the job with serious qualifications. He knows military operations and knows tribal areas. He is also close to Gen. Kayani and has spoken publicly about the danger that extremism poses to Pakistan. But that said, ultimately what counts most are actions on the ground," the U.S. official said.

But even with this move Pakistan's government still has not shown the will the United States is looking for to eliminate the militant threat.

A major test will be whether Pakistan can capture or kill a senior fighter, said Bryan Glyn Williams, a University of Massachusetts at Dartmouth professor who has testified as an expert witness at a Guantanamo terrorism trial.

"They have been catastrophically incapable of getting high-level Taliban targets. This is how Pasha can prove that he's serious," Williams said.

The United States has grown increasingly alarmed over the strength of the border-area militants. It has drawn sharp criticism from Pakistan for strikes against the militants inside Pakistani territory using unmanned aircraft, or, in at least one case, Special Forces commandos.

"STATE WITHIN A STATE"

Often referred to by critics as a "state within a state", the ISI helped the United States eliminate hundreds of al Qaeda fighters after the September 11 attacks.

But U.S. officials fear the ISI may be playing a double-game, backing the Taliban and other militants as allies to gain leverage in Afghanistan and Indian Kashmir. Washington has privately urged Pakistan's six-month-old civilian government to exert more control over the agency.

White House spokesman Gordon Johndroe declined to comment on Pasha's appointment. "That's an internal matter to Pakistan," Johndroe said.

Pentagon spokesman Geoff Morrell also declined to discuss the appointment, but said, "We are encouraging of the Pakistani government's reorganizing itself as necessary to take on the threat emanating from the tribal areas."

Hassan Abbas, a Harvard University research fellow and former border-area Pakistani police chief, called Pasha's appointment a "very important move." He cited Pasha's service with U.N. peacekeeping, experience as director of army operations in a border region, and his ties to Kayani.

"This choice shows that (Pakistan President Asif Ali) Zardari is providing Kayani every chance to strengthen his hold in (the) army and confront the terrorists strongly," he said.

Abbas said the next six months would tell whether Zardari's strategy is working.

The United States may have to boost quiet pressure on Zardari to succeed in shutting down support for the militant fighters that extends to high levels of the government, said terrorism analyst Seth Jones of the Rand Corp.

An effort may be needed like the U.S. pressure on former President Pervez Musharraf after the September 11 attacks, when Washington said he must either support the U.S. battle to oust Afghanistan's Taliban government or be considered an enemy, Jones said.

He said Pakistan still holds a view of its national interest that sees the Taliban as a counter to rival influences in Afghanistan. "The issue is less who is running them (the ISI) than the strategic interests of the state," he added.

(Additional reporting by David Morgan, Editing by Frances Kerry)

Baitullah Mehsud Dead?

Taliban leader in Pakistan, Baitullah Mehsud, 'dies from kidney failure'
Speculation is mounting that Baitullah Mehsud, the leader of the Pakistani wing of the Taliban, has died from kidney failure
By Isambard Wilkinson in Islamabad
Telegraph, UK: 01 Oct 2008

Mehsud was accused by Pakistan and US intelligence of being responsible for the assassination of the former prime minister, Benazir Bhutto.

Rumours of his death are circulating in Pakistan. The former fitness instructor turned terrorist leader has diabetes and has been reported to be unwell for months.

Mehsud, in his mid-thirties, rose suddenly from obscurity possibly with the support of a faction of Pakistan's shadowy ISI military intelligence that has secretly backed the Taliban.

However, his doctor said he had an unspecified kidney problem, but that he was alive.

Mehsud has denied involvement in the attack on Bhutto as she left an election rally in the city of Rawalpindi on Dec. 27, which her widower, Mr Zardari, has blamed on Pakistan's establishment.

Officials have accused Mehsud, the head of the country's umbrella Taliban organisation, Tehreek-e-Taliban Pakistan (TTP), of being behind a wave of suicide attacks in Pakistan since the middle of last year.

Mixed reports surrounding the Taliban leader's death came as American missiles, fired from an unmanned drone aircraft, killed at least six people in a Pakistani tribal region near the Afghan border.

The missiles struck the home of a local Taliban commander before midnight on Tuesday near Mir Ali, a town in North Waziristan.

"We have reports of five dead including foreign militants," said an intelligence official.

The strike took place shortly after tribesmen shot at three drones circling the village of Khusali Toorikhel in North Waziristan, a known haunt of Taliban and Al-Qaeda militants.

Tension between Pakistan and the United States has escalated since Washington stepped up attacks on Pakistani territory after a new civilian government came to power in March.

American forces have carried out seven missile strikes fired from pilotless drones and a commando raid on the Pakistani side of the border in the past month.

Last Thursday, Pakistani and US troops exchanged fire along the border after two US military helicopters came under fire.

Though both sides played down the incident later, Pakistan contended that the US helicopters had entered Pakistani territory while Washington argued they had not left Afghanistan.

America has expressed frustration at the continued support for the Taliban by Pakistan's military intelligence agency.

On Tuesday the Afghan head of intelligence told Al Jazeera news broadcaster that Pakistan did not need a military operation to tackle the Taliban but only to "soft knock their houses" in the Pakistani cities of Quetta and Peshawar.

President Asif Ali Zardari has vowed zero tolerance against violations of Pakistan's sovereignty.

Washington claimed to respect Pakistani sovereignty on Monday in a joint statement with Pakistan following talks between the US deputy secretary of state, John Negroponte, and Pakistan's Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi.

"The United States affirmed its support for Pakistan's sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity," according to the joint statement issued by the State Department.

However, it is believed that a secret deal exists permitting missile strikes against foreign fighters.

The former foreign minister, Khurshid Kasuri, revealed at the weekend that a deal allowed for "limited" American action on Pakistani soil.

Also see:
Top Pakistan militant 'not dead' - BBC
Profile of Baitullah Mehsud - BBC
Baitullah Mehsud: South Waziristan's Unofficial Amir - Jamestown Foundation
Pakistani Taliban leader Mehsud seriously ill: officials, militants - AFP

LATEST UPDATE:
Mehsud visits parts of S.Waziristan
The News, Updated at: 2050 PST, Thursday, October 02, 2008

WANA: Supreme commander of the banned outfit Tehreek-i-Taliban Pakistan, Baitullah Mehsud visited different area of South Waziristan on Thursday.

According to Taliban sources, Meshsud visited Makeen, Ladha, Badar, Salay Rogha and other areas.

The tribesmen upon seeing the Taliban commander, fired their guns in the air.

President Tehreek-i-Insaf South Waziristan, Toofan Burki garlanded Baitullah Mehsud and put traditional Pagri (turban) upon his head.

Speaking on the occasion, the speakers said the electronic media is airing news regarding the death of Baitullah Mehsud, causing concern among the tribesmen.

Therefore, the tribal elders decided that Mehsud should undertake visit of the tribal areas so that people could see him.

US to boost Pakistan’s anti-terror capability: Dawn

US to boost Pakistan’s anti-terror capability
By Anwar Iqbal, Dawn, October 1, 2008

WASHINGTON, Sept 30: The United States has assured Pakistan that it supports the country’s ‘sovereignty’ and ‘territorial integrity’ amid tensions between the two allies over cross-border raids into Fata.

The US assurance — included in a joint statement — followed talks in Washington on Monday between US and Pakistani teams aimed at consolidating a long-term relationship between the two nations.

During the talks “the United States affirmed its support for Pakistan’s sovereignty, independence, unity, and territorial integrity”, said the statement issued by the US State Department.

The talks between US Deputy Secretary of State John Negroponte and Pakistan’s Foreign Minister Shah Mehmood Qureshi were part of what is called the ‘elevated strategic dialogue’ between the two countries.

The talks focussed on security cooperation, defence ties, the war on terror and economic assistance to Pakistan, particularly for creating jobs in the restive tribal region.

“The United States is dedicated to providing Pakistan with the training and equipment it needs to fight terrorism, including support to enhance Pakistan’s counterinsurgency and counterterrorism capabilities and increased cooperation with Pakistani security forces,” the statement said.

The talks were held against the backdrop of cross-border attacks by the US-led coalition forces in Fata. Although aimed at suspected terrorist hideouts, the raids also killed scores of civilians, forcing Islamabad to protest the incursions.

After a raid by US ground troops early this month, Pakistan warned that its troops would retaliate if they saw foreign troops crossing its border. Last week, Pakistani troops reportedly fired warning shots at a US helicopter trying to enter Pakistan. The incursions also led to demands by Pakistani opposition parties to seek assurance from the United States that it would respect the country’s sovereignty and territorial integrity and the joint statement addresses this issue.

But while assuring Pakistan to respect its territorial integrity, the United States also made it clear that it expected Islamabad to play an effective role in

fighting terrorism.

The two sides renewed their intention to work together to combat the threat of terrorism and violent extremism by expanding security cooperation. They also vowed to work together to develop and modernise the tribal belt.

Mr Qureshi and Mr Negroponte reaffirmed their commitment to a wide-ranging, substantive and long-term strategic partnership between Pakistan and the United States, the statement said.

The two sides also condemned the Sept 20 suicide bombing on Marriott Hotel in Islamabad which killed 53 people.

“They acknowledged that terrorism and violent extremism pose a common threat to Pakistan, the United States, and the international community.”

The strategic dialogue followed a decision in March 2006 to establish a forum for such talks. The dialogue was initially featured once a year but later the frequency was increased to twice a year. The first round took place in April 2006 in Washington.

During Monday’s meeting, the United States called for resumption of the Jirga process with Afghanistan and for Pakistan’s commitment to hold the next Regional Economic Cooperation Conference meeting in Islamabad later this year.

The Pakistani government expressed its appreciation for the US-backed new Friends of Pakistan initiative, which would help Pakistan face its challenges in the years ahead.

Building on the August 2008 bilateral economic dialogue, both sides reaffirmed their commitment to increased economic cooperation. Pakistan outlined its economic stabilization measures and reforms to foster economic growth and opportunity. The US expressed support for Pakistan’s plan to stabilise its economy and welcomed Pakistan’s commitment to implement comprehensive reform measures.

The US expressed its determination to continue efforts to promote Reconstruction Opportunity Zones legislation, currently pending in Congress. The establishment of such zones would improve stability and security by stimulating jobs, infrastructure and legitimate economic alternatives in underdeveloped areas, the statement said.

The two sides emphasised the need for improved regional cooperation and integration in the energy sector. They reaffirmed their commitment to address Pakistan’s growing energy needs by expanding technical assistance and promoting investment in Pakistan’s energy sector.

Cooperation in education and science and technology were reviewed, and both resolved to make best efforts to hold energy and education dialogues by the end of the year.