South Asia Tribune
May 2, 2005
Al-Qaeda Camps, Fighters Active in Waziristan: US Pushes Pakistan to Fight
By Amir Mir
LAHORE, May 3: The American Commander of the US-led coalition forces in Afghanistan, Lt. Gen. David Barno stated on April 18 that terrorists were infiltrating into Afghanistan from Pakistan and Islamabad had been asked to begin a fresh operation against remnants of Taliban and Al-Qaeda presently hiding in the Waziristan region of Pakistan.
However, Peshawar Corps Commander Lt. Gen. Safdar Hussain was quick to dismiss Barno's claim on April 20, describing it as a highly irresponsible remark: "Lt. Gen. Barno should not have made that statement. It was a figment of his imagination. There is no bloody operation going on until we have the right intelligence", Safdar said, while ruling out joint military operations with the US-led coalition forces, adding, "My strategy is to achieve the end goal without firing a shot".
The Peshawar Corps Commander's statement was followed by Director General Inter Services Public Relations (ISPR) Maj. Gen. Shaukat Sultan's rejoinder, claiming, "no such military operation is being launched, and we decide for ourselves what needs to be done and when and where". Barno made his statement during a meeting of Tripartite Commission of the United States, Afghanistan and Pakistan that was held in Islamabad on April 18.
According to Pakistani media reports, the US General claimed during the meeting that the remnants of Taliban and Al-Qaeda were planning to stage some high visibility attacks over the next six to nine months, which would get them back on the scoreboard after suffering major strategic reversals. "The coming spring would therefore see a fresh operation in North Waziristan to nip their planned offensive in the bud", Lt. Gen. Barno was quoted as saying.
Ten days later, on April 28, Lt. Gen. Barno in an interview to The New York Times (NYT) stated further: "The Americans have been training Pakistanis in night flying and airborne assault tactics to combat foreign and local fighters in the tribal areas of Pakistan near the Afghan border." Significantly, this was the first time the American military acknowledged the training. Barno further admitted that the presence of American troops in Pakistan was regarded as extremely delicate, adding that he had visited the Special Services Group headquarters of the Pakistan Army at Cherat, near Peshawar recently, where he watched a display by the units trained by the Americans in their new Bell 4 helicopters.
However, the NYT report also quoted ISPR Director Maj. Gen. Sultan as saying that there were no American military trainers at Cherat and that Barno had probably been referring to joint military exercises between the two countries. He told the newspaper in a phone interview, "The Pakistan Army has been training with many countries of the world. We have also been conducting joint military training with the US Army many a time earlier. They benefit from each other's experience. They learn from each other. That's what has been happening, and nothing else." Yet, contrary to the claims of the Pakistani Generals, the report stated that the Pakistan Army was gearing up to go into the last redoubts of Al-Qaeda and foreign fighters - the tribal areas of North Waziristan near the border with Afghanistan.
In all likelihood, Lt. Gen. Barno's statement was not a 'figment of his imagination'; he just made public something General Safdar and his superiors did not want the Pakistani people to know. The Pakistan Army has been fighting the invisible enemy in Waziristan without much success, often giving an impression of failure. Whatever the truth, statements and counter statements by American and Pakistani Generals clearly indicate that the troubles in Waziristan are far from over. Since the military authorities have banned the entry of newsmen into the region, nobody knows what is actually going on in Waziristan. The only available source of information is the ISPR spokesman, whose claims are always contested by the Opposition and the media in public.
US intelligence sleuths stationed in Pakistan evidently believe that the country continues to be a potential site of militant recruitment and training, and Al-Qaeda's 'operational commander' Abu Faraj al-Libbi, presently hiding in Pakistan's tribal belt, continues to hire local recruits to bolster up his terrorist organization's manpower, which continues to grow in strength despite the capture of over 500 of its operatives from within Pakistan over the past two years. According to intelligence sources, most of the Al-Qaeda fugitives on the run from Afghanistan are being sheltered by the heavily armed populace on the Pak-Afghan border, where they are being trained in terror.
US intelligence findings indicate specifically that some of the Al-Qaeda training camps have already been reactivated along the southeastern side of the Pak-Afghan border. These reports further suggest that Osama Bin Laden, and his deputy, Ayman al-Zawahiri, may also be in the region. Meanwhile, General Pervez Musharraf also confirmed that Osama Bin Laden is not only alive, but is residing in the Pak-Afghan tribal area. "Osama is alive and I am cent percent sure that he is hiding in Pak-Afghan tribal belt", stated during an April 22, 2005, interview with CNN. Similarly, Afghan President Hamid Karzai and the American Special Presidential Envoy and Ambassador to Afghanistan, Zalmay Khalilzad, have repeatedly alleged that terrorists continue to operate against Afghanistan from Pakistan.
Lt. Gen. Barno's apprehensions that "the Taliban and Al-Qaeda can launch their big offensive from North Waziristan in next nine months", consequently, appears to carry weight and belies repeated claims by Pakistan that the Waziristan area has returned to normalcy after successful Army operations. As a matter of fact, the Peshawar Corps Commander, Lt. Gen. Hussain, had declared in January 2005 that the 'back of the terrorists has been broken' and that only a few of them had survived, "roaming around in small batches".
The Corps Commander's statement came two years after the Pakistan Army started operations in South Waziristan in January 2003. The Army had to launch the operations after being alerted by the Americans to the presence of Taliban and Al-Qaeda elements in the Waziristan region. Lt. Gen. Hussain had further announced in January 2005 that out of the 6,000 foreign terrorists, 600 had already been captured and another 150 killed. He also admitted that, during the operations, 200 Pakistan Army personnel had been killed at the hands of the terrorists.
The heavy losses suffered by the Pakistan Army eventually compelled its High Command to suspend the military campaign and pursue peace pacts with the local tribes. The first such accord was signed at Shakai with Waziri warlord Nek Mohammad in April 2004. Nek Mohammad reneged and was killed by an American guided laser missile. The second agreement was signed at Sararogha in February 2005 with Baitullah Mahsud, the chieftain of the Mahsud tribe.
The deal was mediated by the Jamiat Ulema-e-Islam leader Maulana Fazlur Rehman, at a ceremony that ended with shouts of "Death to America". Interestingly, the pact with Baitullah Mahsud did not forbid Abdullah Mahsud, the most wanted fugitive from the Mahsud tribe, from attacking the US forces across the border in Afghanistan. Despite reports of his being killed in a Pakistan Army ambush in February 2005, the fact remains that Abdullah is still alive and remains the foremost militant commander in the Waziristan area.
Interestingly, the Sararogha peace pact did not require that Abdullah surrender the foreign terrorists allegedly taking shelter with him; it simply bound him not to attack the Pakistan Army and not give shelter to foreign terrorists. It did not bind him to lay down arms or not fight across the Durand Line. The man swears allegiance to Mullah Mohammad Omar, the Taliban Amir (chief); he moves around in a bullet-proof car and is followed by some 30 armed guards; he owns two castle-like houses in North and South Waziristan.
As Abdullah Mahsud has apparently failed to honor his side of the bargain, the Pakistan Army has once again been asked by the Americans to launch fresh operations in its territory. Earlier, Lt. Gen. Barno had declared, in February 2005, after the signing of the Sararogha agreement with Baitullah Mahsud: "The foreign fighters in the tribal belt had to be killed or captured instead of being given amnesty through so-called peace accords."
Interestingly, however, both the peace accords make no mention of the Pakistan Army's previous condition that the tribal militants must produce foreigners hiding in Waziristan and ensure their registration. The Army's insistence on this condition had led to the collapse of the Shakai agreement signed between the Peshawar Corps Commander and 'Commander' Nek Mohammad's militant group, in April 2004. The militants' failure to produce the foreign militants hiding in the area had triggered a new round of fighting that ended up in Nek's death on June 19, 2004.
The February 2005 peace agreement took an intriguing turn on February 8, 2005, with Lt. Gen. Safdar Hussain claiming that tribal militants demanded Rs. 170 million during the course of peace negotiations, and eventually settled for Rs. 50 million to repay debts they owed to Al-Qaeda linked foreign militants. The BBC quoted the Corps Commander as saying that the four former wanted militants had insisted they needed the money to pay back huge sums to Al-Qaeda Haji Sharif and Maulvi Abbas received Rs. 15 million each, while Maulvi Javed and Haji Mohammad Omar were each paid ten million rupees.
The disclosure fueled speculation that the Government had been paying money to buy-off militants in South Waziristan. However, Haji Omar, on behalf of the Wana militants, denied the Corps Commander's claim and made it clear that he and the four other militants had only been paid Rs. 4.2 million by retired Colonel Inamullah Wazir and the Inter Services Intelligence (ISI) officials who negotiated with him and the other four militants on behalf of the Army, and this amount was for rebuilding their houses that had been destroyed during the military operations.
"Each of us received around Rs. 800,000. My brother Haji Sharif and I got a total of Rs. 1.6 million, while our third brother, Noor Islam, who wasn't part of the peace agreement, didn't receive any money. This amount was far less than the losses we incurred as a result of the damage suffered by our apple orchards and demolition of our family houses plus a hospital in Kalooshah that alone was worth more than Rs. 4 million," he added.
The ongoing 'war on terror' being waged in the Pakistani tribal areas has clearly not been without its share of controversies, charges and counter-charges. This was inevitable given the difficult nature of the military operations and the enigmatic relationship of the partners involved in fighting terror. But the angry public exchange between the Peshawar Corps Commander and the Commander of the US forces in Afghanistan could easily have been avoided with a little discretion.
Given the strong public sentiments against the Bush administration in Pakistan, especially in the areas bordering Afghanistan, such controversies are bound to evoke strong public reaction and embarrass the Government. These are, indeed, testing times for the Pakistan Government, the Army, the security apparatus and the people of Pakistan.
The writer is a Senior Assistant Editor, Monthly Herald of the Dawn Group of Newspapers, Karachi
Tuesday, May 03, 2005
Reversing brain drain
Dawn, May 3, 2005
Reversing brain drain
By A.G. Khan
AS the population of developed countries is aging and more learned people are retiring, many brilliant young scientists from developing countries like Pakistan are finding lucrative employment opportunities abroad.
In the process, brain is being drained from the developing to the developed world. To reverse this trend, some bold steps are needed in order to address the challenge and preserve Pakistan’s most precious human resource against strong forces of globalization.
I have been following the debate in the national media regarding the role of the Higher Education Commission in reversing this trend and in reforming higher education in Pakistan. I am one of those foreign professors who have been placed at different public sector universities and higher learning institutions under the HEC’s reverse brain drain programme of educationists, scholars and researchers from overseas. This is one of the many programmes that have been launched by the HEC recently to improve teaching and research.
In view of the fact that there is an upward thrust in the realm of science and technology, the pace of breaking new grounds has accelerated beyond limit, so that countries like Pakistan have to address this global change in a thoughtful manner. Economies of countries such as France, Germany, Korea, the UK, China, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, etc. are based on knowledge and technology and they are embarking on the highway of growth and dominance in the world today. Knowledge is now emerging as the engine for socio-economic development whereas the importance of natural resources has been greatly reduced. Investment in knowledge is a prerequisite for national growth.
Pakistan, like other agrarian countries, is facing an acute deficit of knowledge and none of its universities ranks among the world’s top 500. The establishment of Higher Education Commission (HEC) on September 11, 2002, was in recognition of the contribution of higher education to socio-economic development of Pakistan. However, HEC has a stupendous task in transforming Pakistan from an agrarian society to a knowledge and technology-based economy. It requires substantial and sustainable investment in achieving the goal. These efforts would require whole-hearted support of the intellectuals and politicians.
Recent statistical figures are alarming. Out of 7,000 faculty members in our universities, only 1,700 possess PhD degrees. Only 2.9 per cent or so of the students in the 18-23 years age group have access to higher education in Pakistani universities. This speaks of the quality and quantity of education in our country. The HEC is aiming to improve this situation by expanding the capacities of the existing higher education institutions as well as by establishing new ones.
It plans to train some 20,000 students for the PhD level education in the top universities in the West so that each of our 60 public sector universities can have 300 to 400 PhDs as faculty members, which will form the core faculty so essential for improving the quality of education in our research institutions. But the aim of producing a larger number of PhD graduates with purpose-oriented education will not be achieved without transforming institutions of higher learning into creative and vibrant places.
The vision and professional preparedness of a teacher have to be improved manifold so that he can play a constructive role in transforming students into productive citizens. This can only happen if swift actions are taken on two fronts — namely, faculty and educators. University faculties are needed to be strengthened to perform teaching and research effectively in an environment marked with basic facilities.
The Higher Education Commission under Prof Dr Attaur Rehman is playing a constructive role in improving higher education in Pakistan by launching a number of relevant projects and inviting universities to formulate and submit projects for funding in order to strengthen their research environment as well as potential leading to a more congenial ambience for research and teaching. Faculty members should make best use of this opportunity by taking stock of their present facilities and submitting PC-1 for improving their infrastructures and capacity to conduct research. The HEC has established a digital library which provides free access to 17,000 international journals. This is now available to all universities and educational research institutes in Pakistan.
Why do Pakistanis living abroad flourish very well in their respective academic fields and fail to do so in Pakistan? It is not that they lack in intelligence but it is the lack of training and appropriate environment for conducting research in the higher education sector. Pakistan has been left behind in the field of science, technology and education because a low priority has been given to education in this country by most of the earlier governments.
The solution to this problem calls for action on many fronts. The HEC is taking many steps in the right direction, including inviting highly qualified Pakistani specialists living and working abroad. These expatriate Pakistani professionals can significantly contribute in producing skilled manpower in Pakistan by transferring their knowledge to our youth in the country.
Now that the limiting factor, namely, the availability of funds for implementing higher education policy in Pakistan, is no longer a problem, the HEC has taken some bold initiatives in undertaking reforms to bring the standards of higher education at par with international standards. It has also launched a programme of free access to sophisticated instrumentation under which scientists and engineers can send samples for analysis to any institute in the country of their choice. These analyses are carried out free of cost. The efforts for improving the standard of higher education in Pakistan should be commended. Hopefully, the foreign faculty members would act as catalysts in achieving some of these reforms.
For the first time in Pakistan’s history, education is being given rightful priority in terms of funds provided by the government. Steps taken by the HEC such as equipping labs and providing better access to scientific journals and books will facilitate research and the results will be reflected in the years to come.
For faculty development, the HEC is offering various teacher development and training programmes, both in Pakistan and abroad. Various PhD scholarship schemes have been initiated by the HEC to promote research and development in all fields of studies. Another important step in this direction is to offer PhD students enrolled in Pakistani universities fellowships to spend six months in laboratories of reputed foreign universities and bring back the latest knowledge and research experience. This Pak-foreign university support programme will have long-term relations between our universities and international institutions of higher learning.
A Starter Support for Research/Teaching Programme for fresh PhD scholars, who do not have permanent and regular jobs, but want to engage in research and/or teaching has been launched by the HEC to discourage brain drain of qualified scientists and technologists. This is another step in the right direction. Under this, a training programme for technical or scientific staff initiated by HEC, grants have been made available to meet the scientific and technical staff shortage in Pakistani universities and institutes, for accelerating the quantum of research and development in our institutions of higher learning.
However, despite all the good intentions and the enterprising programmes, it is yet not clear whether the administrators of our universities are ready to respond to the challenges of higher level teaching and research in new and emerging scientific fields and exploit their full potentials. Will inviting accomplished expatriate academicians in institutions with antique laboratories and outdated equipment and asking them to assist in teaching and research activities in local universities produce the desired results?
My own experience as a foreign professor under foreign faculty hiring programme of the HEC in a Pakistani university is very frustrating. Securing the services of talented Pakistanis working abroad for promotion of teaching and research in the country can only be accomplished if the existing infrastructure of the universities is improved and the bureaucratic system in our institutions is completely overhauled. It will be quite useful if the chairman of the HEC holds an orientation session with the VCs, CEOS and research directors of Pakistani institutions of higher learning to raise their level of response to the HEC initiatives.
It is equally important to look at the situation from the point of view of those who are at the other end of the spectrum, namely, foreign professors who have left the comfort and research-productive environment and amenities of their workplaces, homes and families abroad in order to be a part of nation-building efforts. Foreign faculty members should be seen as ‘resource persons’ bringing in new technologies and skills to supplement and enhance the existing facilities in their respective faculties. In the end, they will return to their respective countries leaving behind all the equipment and resources for future use by the indigenous institutions. After all, all of us including foreign and indigenous faculty members, are aiming at improving higher education in Pakistan.
The above-expressed sentiment and reservations may be valid in some instances, but I am certain that the many-pronged initiatives taken by the HEC to break the stagnation and the deadlock, will bear fruit and improve the present unsatisfactory state of affairs in the universities of Pakistan by overcoming the long-standing problems of poor teaching and lack of research within the next decade or so and bringing it at par with the international standards.
Reversing brain drain
By A.G. Khan
AS the population of developed countries is aging and more learned people are retiring, many brilliant young scientists from developing countries like Pakistan are finding lucrative employment opportunities abroad.
In the process, brain is being drained from the developing to the developed world. To reverse this trend, some bold steps are needed in order to address the challenge and preserve Pakistan’s most precious human resource against strong forces of globalization.
I have been following the debate in the national media regarding the role of the Higher Education Commission in reversing this trend and in reforming higher education in Pakistan. I am one of those foreign professors who have been placed at different public sector universities and higher learning institutions under the HEC’s reverse brain drain programme of educationists, scholars and researchers from overseas. This is one of the many programmes that have been launched by the HEC recently to improve teaching and research.
In view of the fact that there is an upward thrust in the realm of science and technology, the pace of breaking new grounds has accelerated beyond limit, so that countries like Pakistan have to address this global change in a thoughtful manner. Economies of countries such as France, Germany, Korea, the UK, China, Singapore, Hong Kong, Taiwan, etc. are based on knowledge and technology and they are embarking on the highway of growth and dominance in the world today. Knowledge is now emerging as the engine for socio-economic development whereas the importance of natural resources has been greatly reduced. Investment in knowledge is a prerequisite for national growth.
Pakistan, like other agrarian countries, is facing an acute deficit of knowledge and none of its universities ranks among the world’s top 500. The establishment of Higher Education Commission (HEC) on September 11, 2002, was in recognition of the contribution of higher education to socio-economic development of Pakistan. However, HEC has a stupendous task in transforming Pakistan from an agrarian society to a knowledge and technology-based economy. It requires substantial and sustainable investment in achieving the goal. These efforts would require whole-hearted support of the intellectuals and politicians.
Recent statistical figures are alarming. Out of 7,000 faculty members in our universities, only 1,700 possess PhD degrees. Only 2.9 per cent or so of the students in the 18-23 years age group have access to higher education in Pakistani universities. This speaks of the quality and quantity of education in our country. The HEC is aiming to improve this situation by expanding the capacities of the existing higher education institutions as well as by establishing new ones.
It plans to train some 20,000 students for the PhD level education in the top universities in the West so that each of our 60 public sector universities can have 300 to 400 PhDs as faculty members, which will form the core faculty so essential for improving the quality of education in our research institutions. But the aim of producing a larger number of PhD graduates with purpose-oriented education will not be achieved without transforming institutions of higher learning into creative and vibrant places.
The vision and professional preparedness of a teacher have to be improved manifold so that he can play a constructive role in transforming students into productive citizens. This can only happen if swift actions are taken on two fronts — namely, faculty and educators. University faculties are needed to be strengthened to perform teaching and research effectively in an environment marked with basic facilities.
The Higher Education Commission under Prof Dr Attaur Rehman is playing a constructive role in improving higher education in Pakistan by launching a number of relevant projects and inviting universities to formulate and submit projects for funding in order to strengthen their research environment as well as potential leading to a more congenial ambience for research and teaching. Faculty members should make best use of this opportunity by taking stock of their present facilities and submitting PC-1 for improving their infrastructures and capacity to conduct research. The HEC has established a digital library which provides free access to 17,000 international journals. This is now available to all universities and educational research institutes in Pakistan.
Why do Pakistanis living abroad flourish very well in their respective academic fields and fail to do so in Pakistan? It is not that they lack in intelligence but it is the lack of training and appropriate environment for conducting research in the higher education sector. Pakistan has been left behind in the field of science, technology and education because a low priority has been given to education in this country by most of the earlier governments.
The solution to this problem calls for action on many fronts. The HEC is taking many steps in the right direction, including inviting highly qualified Pakistani specialists living and working abroad. These expatriate Pakistani professionals can significantly contribute in producing skilled manpower in Pakistan by transferring their knowledge to our youth in the country.
Now that the limiting factor, namely, the availability of funds for implementing higher education policy in Pakistan, is no longer a problem, the HEC has taken some bold initiatives in undertaking reforms to bring the standards of higher education at par with international standards. It has also launched a programme of free access to sophisticated instrumentation under which scientists and engineers can send samples for analysis to any institute in the country of their choice. These analyses are carried out free of cost. The efforts for improving the standard of higher education in Pakistan should be commended. Hopefully, the foreign faculty members would act as catalysts in achieving some of these reforms.
For the first time in Pakistan’s history, education is being given rightful priority in terms of funds provided by the government. Steps taken by the HEC such as equipping labs and providing better access to scientific journals and books will facilitate research and the results will be reflected in the years to come.
For faculty development, the HEC is offering various teacher development and training programmes, both in Pakistan and abroad. Various PhD scholarship schemes have been initiated by the HEC to promote research and development in all fields of studies. Another important step in this direction is to offer PhD students enrolled in Pakistani universities fellowships to spend six months in laboratories of reputed foreign universities and bring back the latest knowledge and research experience. This Pak-foreign university support programme will have long-term relations between our universities and international institutions of higher learning.
A Starter Support for Research/Teaching Programme for fresh PhD scholars, who do not have permanent and regular jobs, but want to engage in research and/or teaching has been launched by the HEC to discourage brain drain of qualified scientists and technologists. This is another step in the right direction. Under this, a training programme for technical or scientific staff initiated by HEC, grants have been made available to meet the scientific and technical staff shortage in Pakistani universities and institutes, for accelerating the quantum of research and development in our institutions of higher learning.
However, despite all the good intentions and the enterprising programmes, it is yet not clear whether the administrators of our universities are ready to respond to the challenges of higher level teaching and research in new and emerging scientific fields and exploit their full potentials. Will inviting accomplished expatriate academicians in institutions with antique laboratories and outdated equipment and asking them to assist in teaching and research activities in local universities produce the desired results?
My own experience as a foreign professor under foreign faculty hiring programme of the HEC in a Pakistani university is very frustrating. Securing the services of talented Pakistanis working abroad for promotion of teaching and research in the country can only be accomplished if the existing infrastructure of the universities is improved and the bureaucratic system in our institutions is completely overhauled. It will be quite useful if the chairman of the HEC holds an orientation session with the VCs, CEOS and research directors of Pakistani institutions of higher learning to raise their level of response to the HEC initiatives.
It is equally important to look at the situation from the point of view of those who are at the other end of the spectrum, namely, foreign professors who have left the comfort and research-productive environment and amenities of their workplaces, homes and families abroad in order to be a part of nation-building efforts. Foreign faculty members should be seen as ‘resource persons’ bringing in new technologies and skills to supplement and enhance the existing facilities in their respective faculties. In the end, they will return to their respective countries leaving behind all the equipment and resources for future use by the indigenous institutions. After all, all of us including foreign and indigenous faculty members, are aiming at improving higher education in Pakistan.
The above-expressed sentiment and reservations may be valid in some instances, but I am certain that the many-pronged initiatives taken by the HEC to break the stagnation and the deadlock, will bear fruit and improve the present unsatisfactory state of affairs in the universities of Pakistan by overcoming the long-standing problems of poor teaching and lack of research within the next decade or so and bringing it at par with the international standards.
Sunday, May 01, 2005
History being made in Peshawar today
The News, May 2, 2005
History being made in Peshawar today
By Mariana Baabar
ISLAMABAD: History will be witnessed at the home of former PPP Interior Minister General (retd) Naseerullah Babar in Peshawar today when Krishna Bose, the daughter-in-law of a visionary and fierce activist in the pre-independence era, Subhash Chandra Bose, will meet Siraj Khan, the son of the man who helped smuggle Bose to Afghanistan from the NWFP. Babar is related to Siraj Khan.
The elderly Mrs Bose is here in Pakistan as part of an Indian delegation and she expressed a wish to meet some one from the family of Abad Khan who had rescued Bose. Monday will see her meeting Siraj Khan who is from the village Pir Pai in the NWFP. Krishna’s father-in-law Sarat Bose was the real brother of Chandra Bose.
Mrs Bose has been Member of Parliament three times, the last time being in 2004.
"I was also Chairman, Foreign Affairs Committee. Originally I had joined Congress but then it split. Siraj came to our house in Calcutta a long time ago but unfortunately I left his contact numbers behind when I came here so then had to approach the High Commission to help me", she told The News, when this correspondent tried to speak to her haltingly in Bengali.
Krishna says that it is not every day that she comes to Peshawar so she is really looking forward to see the man who helped her family in the past. Interestingly she spent Sunday meeting two Pakistanis who were also former members of the Indian National Army that Chandra Bose had started. Bose’s only daughter lives in Germany, says Krishna.
"I have brought with me the book that my father-in-law wrote about how his brother reached Afghanistan", says Krishna.
According to history, the sheer grit that Bose exhibited was an unparalleled example of the declaration of Independent Indian government with a cabinet & its own army was seen in form of the Indian National Army under his leadership. It literally had a military attack on British India & had confronted them till Imphal.
With the help from Germany & active support from Japan, they shook the very foundation of the British Empire. The saga of their valour is chronicled separately, under the head Indian National Army.
Due to his outspoken character for the British government, he went to jail for around 11 times between 1920 and 1941 for periods varying between six months and three years.
He was elected president of the Indian National Congress twice in 1937 and in 1939, the second time defeating Gandhiji’s nominee. He brought a resolution to give the British six months to hand India over to the Indians, failing which there would be a revolt. There was much opposition to his rigid stand, and he resigned from the post of president and formed a progressive group known as the Forward Block (1939).
During the World War 2 he was against rendering any kind of help to the British. He warned them so. The 2nd World War broke out in September of 1939, and just as predicted by Bose, India was declared as a warring state (on behalf of the British) by the Governor General, without consulting Indian leaders. The Congress party was in power in seven major states and all state governments resigned in protest.
It was in 1941, that Bose suddenly disappeared. The authorities did not come to know for many days that he was not in his Barrack (the house in which he was being guarded). He travelled by foot, car and train and resurfaced in Kabul, only to disappear once again.
Actually it was the brother of this correspondent’s great grandmother, Abad Khan, that had helped Bose to go to Afghanistan. According to family stories, Abad provided a "burqa" for Bose at Attock and took him to Afghanistan through the Mohmand Agency.
When this correspondent was contacted by an Indian journalist, Hindu’s Murlidhar Reddy to help find the family that had helped Bose so that Krishna could meet them, he had luckily found the right person for information! Hence this meeting in Peshawar today.
In November 1941, Bose’s broadcast from German radio sent shock waves amongst the British and electrified the Indian masses who realised that their leader was working on a master plan to free their motherland. It also gave fresh confidence to the revolutionaries in India who were challenging the British in many ways.
There are conflicting reports of where he died and how. For many of his admirers he is still alive.
History being made in Peshawar today
By Mariana Baabar
ISLAMABAD: History will be witnessed at the home of former PPP Interior Minister General (retd) Naseerullah Babar in Peshawar today when Krishna Bose, the daughter-in-law of a visionary and fierce activist in the pre-independence era, Subhash Chandra Bose, will meet Siraj Khan, the son of the man who helped smuggle Bose to Afghanistan from the NWFP. Babar is related to Siraj Khan.
The elderly Mrs Bose is here in Pakistan as part of an Indian delegation and she expressed a wish to meet some one from the family of Abad Khan who had rescued Bose. Monday will see her meeting Siraj Khan who is from the village Pir Pai in the NWFP. Krishna’s father-in-law Sarat Bose was the real brother of Chandra Bose.
Mrs Bose has been Member of Parliament three times, the last time being in 2004.
"I was also Chairman, Foreign Affairs Committee. Originally I had joined Congress but then it split. Siraj came to our house in Calcutta a long time ago but unfortunately I left his contact numbers behind when I came here so then had to approach the High Commission to help me", she told The News, when this correspondent tried to speak to her haltingly in Bengali.
Krishna says that it is not every day that she comes to Peshawar so she is really looking forward to see the man who helped her family in the past. Interestingly she spent Sunday meeting two Pakistanis who were also former members of the Indian National Army that Chandra Bose had started. Bose’s only daughter lives in Germany, says Krishna.
"I have brought with me the book that my father-in-law wrote about how his brother reached Afghanistan", says Krishna.
According to history, the sheer grit that Bose exhibited was an unparalleled example of the declaration of Independent Indian government with a cabinet & its own army was seen in form of the Indian National Army under his leadership. It literally had a military attack on British India & had confronted them till Imphal.
With the help from Germany & active support from Japan, they shook the very foundation of the British Empire. The saga of their valour is chronicled separately, under the head Indian National Army.
Due to his outspoken character for the British government, he went to jail for around 11 times between 1920 and 1941 for periods varying between six months and three years.
He was elected president of the Indian National Congress twice in 1937 and in 1939, the second time defeating Gandhiji’s nominee. He brought a resolution to give the British six months to hand India over to the Indians, failing which there would be a revolt. There was much opposition to his rigid stand, and he resigned from the post of president and formed a progressive group known as the Forward Block (1939).
During the World War 2 he was against rendering any kind of help to the British. He warned them so. The 2nd World War broke out in September of 1939, and just as predicted by Bose, India was declared as a warring state (on behalf of the British) by the Governor General, without consulting Indian leaders. The Congress party was in power in seven major states and all state governments resigned in protest.
It was in 1941, that Bose suddenly disappeared. The authorities did not come to know for many days that he was not in his Barrack (the house in which he was being guarded). He travelled by foot, car and train and resurfaced in Kabul, only to disappear once again.
Actually it was the brother of this correspondent’s great grandmother, Abad Khan, that had helped Bose to go to Afghanistan. According to family stories, Abad provided a "burqa" for Bose at Attock and took him to Afghanistan through the Mohmand Agency.
When this correspondent was contacted by an Indian journalist, Hindu’s Murlidhar Reddy to help find the family that had helped Bose so that Krishna could meet them, he had luckily found the right person for information! Hence this meeting in Peshawar today.
In November 1941, Bose’s broadcast from German radio sent shock waves amongst the British and electrified the Indian masses who realised that their leader was working on a master plan to free their motherland. It also gave fresh confidence to the revolutionaries in India who were challenging the British in many ways.
There are conflicting reports of where he died and how. For many of his admirers he is still alive.
Reaching out to real people
Dawn, May 1, 2005
Reaching out to real people
By Afshan Subohi
A viable model of development for India and Pakistan would be one that stands on the strength of democracy and social justice. This is what the people of the two nations aspire for and value most. This is also propounded by Kristoffel Lieten’s book Views on Development: The Local and the Global in India and Pakistan, an addition in the series on the subject of development from Three Essay Collective. The book is scholarly. Based on empirical data collected from villages of India and Pakistan, it is an interesting intervention in the ongoing debate over the question of development and growth and the many possible policy options towards this end.
Instead of addressing the issue from afar with the help of modern theories alone on the basis of presumptions and attempting to suggest solutions to the problems of this multiethnic, multi-religion and multicultural complex society with peculiar characteristics of its own, the author chose a difficult path. He spent time in rural hinterlands of the subcontinent in an attempt to reach out to the real people, ordinary Pakistanis and Indian. He has tried to understand not only their problems but also the solutions that they suggest. Recalling his experience in the course of research for collecting material for these essays he says in the preface: “Sitting in the hut of a 35-year-old non-literate lady in a village close to Ayodhya, of all places, and her explaining to me the meaning of God, is one of the various images that come to my mind, which tells me that lots of wisdom, experience knowledge and insight are available from people who are living the process of development.”
Three essays in the book address three important issues of the development debate on the region. First is the essence of the economic crisis and run of the mill reaction that orthodox theorists have provided as an answer. Second is the question of trade-off between different policy options in the development process. The resource scarce economies cannot introduce all advisable changes simultaneously. Third is the difference in the rate of fertility in different areas of the region, its causes and effects.
The author cites several examples from the analyses of economists who have worked on the meaning of development in the Third World context. In his view post modern development theories with explicit political, social and economic programmes, though they are absorbing as themes for discussion, are superficial. Positions taken on the issue by such scholars do not, in most instances, conform to what the people of the region perceive and understand as development or its absence.
The second essay gives an insight into the life and setting of villages on both sides of the Wagah border. It carries excerpts from interviews of ordinary people in villages. The author has solicited views of teachers, peasants, sharecroppers, cart drivers, wageworkers, etc. on development. He found even simple people to be aware and quite articulate despite their low literacy level. They considered education for both male and female children very essential. The wageworkers and small peasants were in favour of industrial employment. Their preference was for agro-based industries. A point that was stressed across class and gender was the desire for more development through government intervention and support. “People expect state rather than the market to function in fairness to all.”
The author makes the observation that material changes in terms of improvement in infrastructure, such as link roads, etc. have made old views of the peasantry redundant. “The dominant paradigm in the past has been the construct of a submissive and mystical peasantry. In the orientalist vision, the European discourse on Asia, South Asia is regarded as hierarchical, stagnationist and unchanging. An Indian peasant, including the Muslim one, could not be anything but a caste-conscious, God-fearing and indolent person.” The author, however, found rural dwellers almost similar to their counterparts living in any other region of the world in their hopes and aspirations.
On the issue of fertility, Pakistan was found to be unique in the region with a comparatively high fertility even when compared to Iran and Bangladesh, two other Muslim countries in the neighbourhood. The author argues that “given the changing socio-economic conditions and given the widespread apprehensions about high fertility, policy measures and access to family planning methods have become of primary importance”.
He does not see religion as a factor primarily responsible for high fertility rate in Pakistan. He was not satisfied with the arguments of some demographers and economists who view economic reasons for this high rate. In their view poor parents see children as an economic investment so as to be supplied with additional labour power. The author did not find evidence on such economically calculating behaviour. He considers ineffective and inactive government programmes of contraceptive access and knowledge responsible for the trend.
Instead of making macro level generalizations on the basis of preconceived notions the author has adopted a micro level approach to draw conclusions regarding the trends found in the region.
Reaching out to real people
By Afshan Subohi
A viable model of development for India and Pakistan would be one that stands on the strength of democracy and social justice. This is what the people of the two nations aspire for and value most. This is also propounded by Kristoffel Lieten’s book Views on Development: The Local and the Global in India and Pakistan, an addition in the series on the subject of development from Three Essay Collective. The book is scholarly. Based on empirical data collected from villages of India and Pakistan, it is an interesting intervention in the ongoing debate over the question of development and growth and the many possible policy options towards this end.
Instead of addressing the issue from afar with the help of modern theories alone on the basis of presumptions and attempting to suggest solutions to the problems of this multiethnic, multi-religion and multicultural complex society with peculiar characteristics of its own, the author chose a difficult path. He spent time in rural hinterlands of the subcontinent in an attempt to reach out to the real people, ordinary Pakistanis and Indian. He has tried to understand not only their problems but also the solutions that they suggest. Recalling his experience in the course of research for collecting material for these essays he says in the preface: “Sitting in the hut of a 35-year-old non-literate lady in a village close to Ayodhya, of all places, and her explaining to me the meaning of God, is one of the various images that come to my mind, which tells me that lots of wisdom, experience knowledge and insight are available from people who are living the process of development.”
Three essays in the book address three important issues of the development debate on the region. First is the essence of the economic crisis and run of the mill reaction that orthodox theorists have provided as an answer. Second is the question of trade-off between different policy options in the development process. The resource scarce economies cannot introduce all advisable changes simultaneously. Third is the difference in the rate of fertility in different areas of the region, its causes and effects.
The author cites several examples from the analyses of economists who have worked on the meaning of development in the Third World context. In his view post modern development theories with explicit political, social and economic programmes, though they are absorbing as themes for discussion, are superficial. Positions taken on the issue by such scholars do not, in most instances, conform to what the people of the region perceive and understand as development or its absence.
The second essay gives an insight into the life and setting of villages on both sides of the Wagah border. It carries excerpts from interviews of ordinary people in villages. The author has solicited views of teachers, peasants, sharecroppers, cart drivers, wageworkers, etc. on development. He found even simple people to be aware and quite articulate despite their low literacy level. They considered education for both male and female children very essential. The wageworkers and small peasants were in favour of industrial employment. Their preference was for agro-based industries. A point that was stressed across class and gender was the desire for more development through government intervention and support. “People expect state rather than the market to function in fairness to all.”
The author makes the observation that material changes in terms of improvement in infrastructure, such as link roads, etc. have made old views of the peasantry redundant. “The dominant paradigm in the past has been the construct of a submissive and mystical peasantry. In the orientalist vision, the European discourse on Asia, South Asia is regarded as hierarchical, stagnationist and unchanging. An Indian peasant, including the Muslim one, could not be anything but a caste-conscious, God-fearing and indolent person.” The author, however, found rural dwellers almost similar to their counterparts living in any other region of the world in their hopes and aspirations.
On the issue of fertility, Pakistan was found to be unique in the region with a comparatively high fertility even when compared to Iran and Bangladesh, two other Muslim countries in the neighbourhood. The author argues that “given the changing socio-economic conditions and given the widespread apprehensions about high fertility, policy measures and access to family planning methods have become of primary importance”.
He does not see religion as a factor primarily responsible for high fertility rate in Pakistan. He was not satisfied with the arguments of some demographers and economists who view economic reasons for this high rate. In their view poor parents see children as an economic investment so as to be supplied with additional labour power. The author did not find evidence on such economically calculating behaviour. He considers ineffective and inactive government programmes of contraceptive access and knowledge responsible for the trend.
Instead of making macro level generalizations on the basis of preconceived notions the author has adopted a micro level approach to draw conclusions regarding the trends found in the region.
If it had been so...
Dawn, May 1, 2005
If it had been so...
By Syed Sami Ahmed
There was a time when the freedom of India was not on the British agenda. They were determined to perpetuate their rule over the people of India and keep them under their bondage. However, the political conditions took a U-turn during the Second World War. The political awakening in India added fuel to the fire. When the war was over, the members of the British Parliament were unanimous that every Indian, man, woman and child, had a right to freedom not as a gift from the British but as their birthright. The British were forced to believe that they were no longer in a position to hold India and deprive its right to freedom.
Keeping that objective in mind, Mr Clement Attlee, the then British prime minister, sent the Cabinet Mission with a clear directive to use its best endeavours to help India to attain its freedom as speedily as possible.
The Cabinet Mission arrived in India on March 23, 1946. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, as president of the Congress, was the first to meet its members. He put before them his scheme which was, in fact, a complete solution to the Indian problem. Maulana Azad’s plan allocated only three subjects, that is, defence, foreign affairs and communications, to the centre. Minus those three subjects, it allocated all other subjects, including currency, to the provinces with full and complete provincial autonomy.
As soon as this scheme was unfolded by Maulana Azad, the members of the Cabinet Mission were extremely happy to appreciate the magnanimity shown by the Congress in the larger interest of India and expressed their opinion that, in view of the scheme presented to them, Mr Jinnah would not insist on the partition of India. That being so, the problem of India was solved. They congratulated Maulana Azad, saying that he had provided complete safeguards to the Muslims against domination by the Hindus.
After meeting all notable members of different political parties and particularly of the Muslim League, the Cabinet Mission announced a clear framework of the future constitution of India to be adopted by the Constituent Assembly. I would like to place on record that Maulana Azad’s scheme was adopted by the Cabinet Mission in letter and spirit. The Cabinet Mission, however, enlarged their scheme, by merging Bengal with Assam, showing 52 per cent of the Muslim population in Section C. In view of the grouping of the whole of India into Sections A, B, C, we were getting the whole of Bengal and Assam in the East and the whole of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Balochistan in the west. Kashmir as a whole would have been obviously a part of our belt, as the Muslims constituted nearly 85 per cent of the population of Jammu and Kashmir. Calcutta, the biggest commercial city of India, was going to be a part of our zone. Calcutta was the heart of India. Bengal was the largest jute producing area in the world but the source of its consumption was in Calcutta. More than 200 jute mills were located in Calcutta on the bank of the Hooghly river.
Under the basic principles of the constitution of India, as drawn by the Cabinet Mission, the provincial legislatures were given the power to frame provincial constitutions in respect of all their provincial subjects for the governance of their provinces. In addition, the provinces were guaranteed complete and unfettered provincial autonomy under the proposed constitution. In view of such constitutional safeguards, the Muslims had been placed in an ideal situation.
There was another constitutional safeguard in the interest of the Muslims as a whole whereby any question raising any major communal issue could be decided only by a majority of the representatives present in the Union Constituent Assembly and voting from each of the two major communities.
As soon as the Cabinet Mission plan was announced, the Muslim League Council went into session and debated the historic document from all angles and finally came out with a unanimous verdict, accepting the plan. The verdict of the Muslim League Council was historic in nature. The remark by the Quaid-i-Azam while accepting the Cabinet Mission plan was equally historic when he said that it was the maximum that he was expecting to achieve.
There is no doubt that the Cabinet Mission plan not directly but indirectly acceded to the demand for Pakistan — but within the Indian Union. That was the best solution in the interest of the entire Muslim India. It is important to mention here that when the Muslim League high command appeared before the Cabinet Mission and insisted on the partition of India, they were told in clear terms that, in that event, Bengal and Punjab would also be divided, as the interests of 40 per cent of the Hindus living in those areas could not be ignored. At that time, there was a sharp reaction from the Quaid-i-Azam, stating before the members of the Cabinet Mission that, if it was done, Pakistan would be a mutilated one and not workable.
The Cabinet Mission plan had already been accepted by the Congress. The sole object of the Congress was to see United India and avert its partition. In view of the acceptance of the Cabinet Mission plan by both the Congress and the Muslim League, it was indeed a glorious event in the history of the freedom movement in India. According to Maulana Azad, one unfortunate incident changed the course of history. Jawaharlal Nehru, while addressing a press conference, stated by way of reply that he was going to enter the Constituent Assembly completely unfettered by any agreement arrived at and even the plan of the Cabinet Mission could be modified. Jawaharlal committed a big mistake. He was not competent to do so. The Quaid-i-Azam sharply reacted and pointed out that it was a clear breach on the part of the Congress. He immediately called a meeting of the Council of the Muslim League and the acceptance of the Cabinet Mission Plan was revoked. Later, the working committee of the Congress, passed a resolution, maintaining that the Congress had accepted the Cabinet Mission plan and its adherence in totality was assured. Jawaharlal met Quaid-i-Azam at his residence, held a discussion with him for about two hours and admitted his mistake but in vain. The meeting proved to be an exercise in futility.
Lord Wavell went to England to meet Mr Attlee. He explained that the political conditions in India were very complex and highly explosive — communalism was at its climax. He, therefore, suggested a delay in the transfer of power. Mr Attlee, however, did not agree. The result was that Lord Wavell resigned and he was immediately replaced by Lord Mountbatten.
As soon as Lord Mountbatten appeared on the Indian political scene as the viceroy and governor-general, the relations between the Congress and the Muslim League further deteriorated. He made a survey, on his own initiative, of the political conditions in India and decided to kill the Cabinet Mission plan. Instead of that, he manoeuvred the partition of India and eventually succeeded... He took a journey to England, met Mr Attlee and sought permission for the division of India into two sovereign states.
The most important aspect of his plan was to partition Bengal and Punjab. Lord Mountbatten’s plan as a whole was endorsed by the British cabinet.
When Mountbatten returned from England, he unfolded his own scheme of the division of India before the Muslim League. The Muslim League met on June 10, 1947, and accepted the principles laid down therein for a smaller Pakistan. The Quaid-i-Azam accepted the partition of Bengal and Punjab and thereby allowed Mountbatten to play the role of an axis of evil. In view of this new development, the Boundary Commission, headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe, came into being.
There is unimpeachable evidence that as soon as Radcliffe arrived in India, he was hijacked by Mountbatten. Radcliffe and Mountbatten in collusion with each other altered, manipulated and modified the award. The betrayal of Radcliffe as chairman of the Boundary Commission caused an irreparable damage to the territorial integrity of Pakistan. Radcliffe, to utter surprise of the whole world, gave Gurdaspur and Batala, a predominantly Muslim majority area, to India.
The result was that when Pakistan appeared on the horizon of the subcontinent, there was a bloodbath in East Punjab. More than two million men, women and children were slaughtered and 12 million were uprooted from their ancestral homes, never to return again. There was another unfortunate aspect of the partition of India. More than one-third of the Muslims living in the Hindu majority areas were denied the promised land.
As soon as Pakistan came into being, it was confronted with a number of problems, threatening its very existence. The influx of refugees from India, particularly from the East Punjab, was a serious problem. The accession of Kashmir was another problem.
* * * * *
The Quaid-i-Azam lived for only 13 months after the birth of Pakistan. After his death Liaquat Ali Khan emerged on the political scene as a formidable leader. He was quite capable and competent to serve the country to the best of his ability but the bureaucracy of Pakistan in collusion with the army did not allow him to work and serve his nation. He was assassinated on October 16, 1951. This had a great impact on the history of our country. As soon as Liaquat was assassinated Khwaja Nazimuddin took over the country as prime minister of Pakistan. Ghulam Muhammad, who had been removed by Liaquat Ali Khan only four days before his assassination, became the governor-general of Pakistan...
It was the era of Ghulam Muhammad that paved the way for despotism and nourished it. There is no doubt that he was the first dictator of our country. He remained in power from 1951 to 1955 and created a political mess by mutilating the political framework and causing an irreparable injury to the image of our judiciary...
A separate homeland for Muslim India, as conceived originally, could neither be achieved nor could the smaller Pakistan achieved on August 14, 1947 survive in its original shape. The history of Pakistan is a history of misfortunes. We must search our hearts and rise to the occasion to take practical steps in terms of peace, harmony and prosperity for the people of the country. It is in this that our salvation lies.
If it had been so...
By Syed Sami Ahmed
There was a time when the freedom of India was not on the British agenda. They were determined to perpetuate their rule over the people of India and keep them under their bondage. However, the political conditions took a U-turn during the Second World War. The political awakening in India added fuel to the fire. When the war was over, the members of the British Parliament were unanimous that every Indian, man, woman and child, had a right to freedom not as a gift from the British but as their birthright. The British were forced to believe that they were no longer in a position to hold India and deprive its right to freedom.
Keeping that objective in mind, Mr Clement Attlee, the then British prime minister, sent the Cabinet Mission with a clear directive to use its best endeavours to help India to attain its freedom as speedily as possible.
The Cabinet Mission arrived in India on March 23, 1946. Maulana Abul Kalam Azad, as president of the Congress, was the first to meet its members. He put before them his scheme which was, in fact, a complete solution to the Indian problem. Maulana Azad’s plan allocated only three subjects, that is, defence, foreign affairs and communications, to the centre. Minus those three subjects, it allocated all other subjects, including currency, to the provinces with full and complete provincial autonomy.
As soon as this scheme was unfolded by Maulana Azad, the members of the Cabinet Mission were extremely happy to appreciate the magnanimity shown by the Congress in the larger interest of India and expressed their opinion that, in view of the scheme presented to them, Mr Jinnah would not insist on the partition of India. That being so, the problem of India was solved. They congratulated Maulana Azad, saying that he had provided complete safeguards to the Muslims against domination by the Hindus.
After meeting all notable members of different political parties and particularly of the Muslim League, the Cabinet Mission announced a clear framework of the future constitution of India to be adopted by the Constituent Assembly. I would like to place on record that Maulana Azad’s scheme was adopted by the Cabinet Mission in letter and spirit. The Cabinet Mission, however, enlarged their scheme, by merging Bengal with Assam, showing 52 per cent of the Muslim population in Section C. In view of the grouping of the whole of India into Sections A, B, C, we were getting the whole of Bengal and Assam in the East and the whole of Punjab, NWFP, Sindh and Balochistan in the west. Kashmir as a whole would have been obviously a part of our belt, as the Muslims constituted nearly 85 per cent of the population of Jammu and Kashmir. Calcutta, the biggest commercial city of India, was going to be a part of our zone. Calcutta was the heart of India. Bengal was the largest jute producing area in the world but the source of its consumption was in Calcutta. More than 200 jute mills were located in Calcutta on the bank of the Hooghly river.
Under the basic principles of the constitution of India, as drawn by the Cabinet Mission, the provincial legislatures were given the power to frame provincial constitutions in respect of all their provincial subjects for the governance of their provinces. In addition, the provinces were guaranteed complete and unfettered provincial autonomy under the proposed constitution. In view of such constitutional safeguards, the Muslims had been placed in an ideal situation.
There was another constitutional safeguard in the interest of the Muslims as a whole whereby any question raising any major communal issue could be decided only by a majority of the representatives present in the Union Constituent Assembly and voting from each of the two major communities.
As soon as the Cabinet Mission plan was announced, the Muslim League Council went into session and debated the historic document from all angles and finally came out with a unanimous verdict, accepting the plan. The verdict of the Muslim League Council was historic in nature. The remark by the Quaid-i-Azam while accepting the Cabinet Mission plan was equally historic when he said that it was the maximum that he was expecting to achieve.
There is no doubt that the Cabinet Mission plan not directly but indirectly acceded to the demand for Pakistan — but within the Indian Union. That was the best solution in the interest of the entire Muslim India. It is important to mention here that when the Muslim League high command appeared before the Cabinet Mission and insisted on the partition of India, they were told in clear terms that, in that event, Bengal and Punjab would also be divided, as the interests of 40 per cent of the Hindus living in those areas could not be ignored. At that time, there was a sharp reaction from the Quaid-i-Azam, stating before the members of the Cabinet Mission that, if it was done, Pakistan would be a mutilated one and not workable.
The Cabinet Mission plan had already been accepted by the Congress. The sole object of the Congress was to see United India and avert its partition. In view of the acceptance of the Cabinet Mission plan by both the Congress and the Muslim League, it was indeed a glorious event in the history of the freedom movement in India. According to Maulana Azad, one unfortunate incident changed the course of history. Jawaharlal Nehru, while addressing a press conference, stated by way of reply that he was going to enter the Constituent Assembly completely unfettered by any agreement arrived at and even the plan of the Cabinet Mission could be modified. Jawaharlal committed a big mistake. He was not competent to do so. The Quaid-i-Azam sharply reacted and pointed out that it was a clear breach on the part of the Congress. He immediately called a meeting of the Council of the Muslim League and the acceptance of the Cabinet Mission Plan was revoked. Later, the working committee of the Congress, passed a resolution, maintaining that the Congress had accepted the Cabinet Mission plan and its adherence in totality was assured. Jawaharlal met Quaid-i-Azam at his residence, held a discussion with him for about two hours and admitted his mistake but in vain. The meeting proved to be an exercise in futility.
Lord Wavell went to England to meet Mr Attlee. He explained that the political conditions in India were very complex and highly explosive — communalism was at its climax. He, therefore, suggested a delay in the transfer of power. Mr Attlee, however, did not agree. The result was that Lord Wavell resigned and he was immediately replaced by Lord Mountbatten.
As soon as Lord Mountbatten appeared on the Indian political scene as the viceroy and governor-general, the relations between the Congress and the Muslim League further deteriorated. He made a survey, on his own initiative, of the political conditions in India and decided to kill the Cabinet Mission plan. Instead of that, he manoeuvred the partition of India and eventually succeeded... He took a journey to England, met Mr Attlee and sought permission for the division of India into two sovereign states.
The most important aspect of his plan was to partition Bengal and Punjab. Lord Mountbatten’s plan as a whole was endorsed by the British cabinet.
When Mountbatten returned from England, he unfolded his own scheme of the division of India before the Muslim League. The Muslim League met on June 10, 1947, and accepted the principles laid down therein for a smaller Pakistan. The Quaid-i-Azam accepted the partition of Bengal and Punjab and thereby allowed Mountbatten to play the role of an axis of evil. In view of this new development, the Boundary Commission, headed by Sir Cyril Radcliffe, came into being.
There is unimpeachable evidence that as soon as Radcliffe arrived in India, he was hijacked by Mountbatten. Radcliffe and Mountbatten in collusion with each other altered, manipulated and modified the award. The betrayal of Radcliffe as chairman of the Boundary Commission caused an irreparable damage to the territorial integrity of Pakistan. Radcliffe, to utter surprise of the whole world, gave Gurdaspur and Batala, a predominantly Muslim majority area, to India.
The result was that when Pakistan appeared on the horizon of the subcontinent, there was a bloodbath in East Punjab. More than two million men, women and children were slaughtered and 12 million were uprooted from their ancestral homes, never to return again. There was another unfortunate aspect of the partition of India. More than one-third of the Muslims living in the Hindu majority areas were denied the promised land.
As soon as Pakistan came into being, it was confronted with a number of problems, threatening its very existence. The influx of refugees from India, particularly from the East Punjab, was a serious problem. The accession of Kashmir was another problem.
* * * * *
The Quaid-i-Azam lived for only 13 months after the birth of Pakistan. After his death Liaquat Ali Khan emerged on the political scene as a formidable leader. He was quite capable and competent to serve the country to the best of his ability but the bureaucracy of Pakistan in collusion with the army did not allow him to work and serve his nation. He was assassinated on October 16, 1951. This had a great impact on the history of our country. As soon as Liaquat was assassinated Khwaja Nazimuddin took over the country as prime minister of Pakistan. Ghulam Muhammad, who had been removed by Liaquat Ali Khan only four days before his assassination, became the governor-general of Pakistan...
It was the era of Ghulam Muhammad that paved the way for despotism and nourished it. There is no doubt that he was the first dictator of our country. He remained in power from 1951 to 1955 and created a political mess by mutilating the political framework and causing an irreparable injury to the image of our judiciary...
A separate homeland for Muslim India, as conceived originally, could neither be achieved nor could the smaller Pakistan achieved on August 14, 1947 survive in its original shape. The history of Pakistan is a history of misfortunes. We must search our hearts and rise to the occasion to take practical steps in terms of peace, harmony and prosperity for the people of the country. It is in this that our salvation lies.
Friday, April 29, 2005
Another Military ruler in Pakistan?
Daily Times
April 30, 2005
Waseem Sajjad sees another military ruler
LAHORE: Former Senate chairman Waseem Sajjad claimed on Friday that one more military ruler would rule the country, BBC Urdu Service reported. Asked what made him think so, Mr Sajjad said that he was experienced enough to make such a comment, the BBC said. According to the report, Mr Sajad said: “You should not marvel at my revelation. He will come and change nothing. Every institution will work as previously. Then, he (the military ruler) will issue a provisional order dismissing his opponents in the judiciary. He will ask the judges of his own choice to take oath accordingly.” daily times monitor
April 30, 2005
Waseem Sajjad sees another military ruler
LAHORE: Former Senate chairman Waseem Sajjad claimed on Friday that one more military ruler would rule the country, BBC Urdu Service reported. Asked what made him think so, Mr Sajjad said that he was experienced enough to make such a comment, the BBC said. According to the report, Mr Sajad said: “You should not marvel at my revelation. He will come and change nothing. Every institution will work as previously. Then, he (the military ruler) will issue a provisional order dismissing his opponents in the judiciary. He will ask the judges of his own choice to take oath accordingly.” daily times monitor
Thursday, April 28, 2005
Pakistan's Image in the World - Reasons
Daily times,
April 29, 2005
SECOND OPINION: Our rotten image abroad —Khaled Ahmed’s TV Review
In just one week, the Urdu press has carried enough items of collective intolerance and fanaticism to ban all the clerics from entering Europe. The cruelty is that these items of intolerance appear with the clergy siding with those who spread violence in Pakistan
Islamabad may be getting ready to show righteous anger at the way Europe has treated our religious leaders trying to enter it, but it should be invited to look at just one week’s news in Pakistan to see why we give the creeps to the world outside.
According to Khabrain (February 21, 2005) a pesh imam of Hyderabad collected separated and ragged pages of an old Quran and burnt them to get rid of them. As ill luck would have it, the pages flew up and fell on the surrounding houses while burning. The entire locality came out in protest, took hold of the cleric and beat him till he was unconscious with grievous injuries. The people did gherao of Masjid Paretabad and sealed it. The cleric was handed over to the police who put him in jail. The town in Hyderabad became endangered with threats of widespread vandalism from the incensed people.
No one really knows what happened because the people didn’t wait for a proper verdict. There was vandalism. That is what the whole thing means in Pakistan. Get up, inflict injury on the suspect and destroy property. What use is the law?
According to Khabrain, (February 21, 2005) a Christian in Chishtian in Punjab was sentenced by a civil judge to seven years rigorous imprisonment for insulting the Quran. (In prison, he could be killed by Muslim prisoners). The Christian was in the business of doing taviz-ganda (magic cure) and was supposed to have insulted the Quran.
This one news of conviction despite government orders to stagger the process under blasphemy law is enough to ban Pakistanis from Europe.
Reported in daily Insaf (February 26, 2005), Prof Ibnul Hassan of Sargodha University was to take his class in business administration in the evening when he found that the entire class was saying its namaz in the nearby mosque. He gave the pious students a dressing down on their return. His remarks on their Islamic practice were taken ill by the students who then called upon Islami Jamiat Tulaba to protest. The protest spilled into the city where all the clerics denounced the professor as a blasphemer against the Prophet (peace be upon him) and hadith. The professor was apprehended after an FIR.
This is the routine about the innocent victimised by the religious fanatic. No court will dare release the man. He will rot in jail till he is released by the Supreme Court after seven years. This is what has been happening to the blasphemy accused. No one has so far been executed for blasphemy but convicts under appeal have been killed in prisons. The magistrates cannot free them because they are scared. Therefore, the cases have to go the superior courts where the red tape takes a long time.
Quoted in Insaf (February 27, 2005) chief of Jamia Naeemiya in Lahore, Sarfaraz Naeemi, condemned actress Mira for taking part in shameless film scenes in India. He said he had seen pictures of her different poses with a Hindu actor, which had greatly offended him. He said Mira should be punished for indulging in un-Islamic activities. Another cleric said that special NOC should be issued by the government to make sure that actors did not take part in shameless activities in India. According to Khabrain, political leaders like Munawwar Hassan said that Mira was setting the wrong example for Pakistani youth. Engineer Salimullah said she should be banned from returning to Pakistan. Mira’s mother said films like Nazar were being produced in Pakistan all the time. Other film actors turned against Mira and asked for action against her.
Sarfaraz Naeemi gives two hoots for the image of Pakistan he is projecting abroad. India earns its reputation as a benign and tolerant country by honouring its film actresses. The truth is that states make good reputations through their entertainment industry. Pakistan is venomous because it hates entertainment and is constantly found proposing savage punishments to its entertainers.
According to Nawa-e-Waqt (February 27, 2005) the wife of Mr Sheheryar Khan, former foreign secretary of Pakistan and current chief of the Pakistan Cricket Board, was seen embracing Indian foreign minister, Natwar Singh, and shaking with pleasure (jhoomna). The paper issued a picture from the India newspaper The Tribune to prove the point and said that normalisation with India was at the cost of the nation’s honour and self-respect (qaumi hamiyat aur ghairat).
The paper should have realised that Mrs Khan is an old lady, probably older than the grandmother of the journalist who wrote up this piece of defamation.
Reporting from Mianwali, Nawa-e-Waqt (February 28, 2007) stated that one Shafi and his gang picked up an innocent girl, raped her and then paraded her naked in the streets of the village Kari Kheor. Shafi was convinced that a brother of the girl was involved in a relationship with his sister and resorted to the honour-based rape.
This is what happens everyday in the countryside but the press is more worried that blasphemy may go unpunished.
Reported by Nawa-e-Waqt, (February 28, 2005) Jamaat Islami leader Liaquat Baloch stated that Qadianis were behind the Aga Khan Board which was being imposed on Pakistan to change its ideology. Fatah Mubahala Conference in Chiniot also featured one new Maulana Jhangvi who said that those who removed the mazhabi khana would be removed from the face of the earth.
After this, Mr Baloch would be wise not to visit any Western country. He can always go to Saudi Arabia, Sudan or the Gulf if the governments there are not scared of his indiscriminate and violent tongue. *
April 29, 2005
SECOND OPINION: Our rotten image abroad —Khaled Ahmed’s TV Review
In just one week, the Urdu press has carried enough items of collective intolerance and fanaticism to ban all the clerics from entering Europe. The cruelty is that these items of intolerance appear with the clergy siding with those who spread violence in Pakistan
Islamabad may be getting ready to show righteous anger at the way Europe has treated our religious leaders trying to enter it, but it should be invited to look at just one week’s news in Pakistan to see why we give the creeps to the world outside.
According to Khabrain (February 21, 2005) a pesh imam of Hyderabad collected separated and ragged pages of an old Quran and burnt them to get rid of them. As ill luck would have it, the pages flew up and fell on the surrounding houses while burning. The entire locality came out in protest, took hold of the cleric and beat him till he was unconscious with grievous injuries. The people did gherao of Masjid Paretabad and sealed it. The cleric was handed over to the police who put him in jail. The town in Hyderabad became endangered with threats of widespread vandalism from the incensed people.
No one really knows what happened because the people didn’t wait for a proper verdict. There was vandalism. That is what the whole thing means in Pakistan. Get up, inflict injury on the suspect and destroy property. What use is the law?
According to Khabrain, (February 21, 2005) a Christian in Chishtian in Punjab was sentenced by a civil judge to seven years rigorous imprisonment for insulting the Quran. (In prison, he could be killed by Muslim prisoners). The Christian was in the business of doing taviz-ganda (magic cure) and was supposed to have insulted the Quran.
This one news of conviction despite government orders to stagger the process under blasphemy law is enough to ban Pakistanis from Europe.
Reported in daily Insaf (February 26, 2005), Prof Ibnul Hassan of Sargodha University was to take his class in business administration in the evening when he found that the entire class was saying its namaz in the nearby mosque. He gave the pious students a dressing down on their return. His remarks on their Islamic practice were taken ill by the students who then called upon Islami Jamiat Tulaba to protest. The protest spilled into the city where all the clerics denounced the professor as a blasphemer against the Prophet (peace be upon him) and hadith. The professor was apprehended after an FIR.
This is the routine about the innocent victimised by the religious fanatic. No court will dare release the man. He will rot in jail till he is released by the Supreme Court after seven years. This is what has been happening to the blasphemy accused. No one has so far been executed for blasphemy but convicts under appeal have been killed in prisons. The magistrates cannot free them because they are scared. Therefore, the cases have to go the superior courts where the red tape takes a long time.
Quoted in Insaf (February 27, 2005) chief of Jamia Naeemiya in Lahore, Sarfaraz Naeemi, condemned actress Mira for taking part in shameless film scenes in India. He said he had seen pictures of her different poses with a Hindu actor, which had greatly offended him. He said Mira should be punished for indulging in un-Islamic activities. Another cleric said that special NOC should be issued by the government to make sure that actors did not take part in shameless activities in India. According to Khabrain, political leaders like Munawwar Hassan said that Mira was setting the wrong example for Pakistani youth. Engineer Salimullah said she should be banned from returning to Pakistan. Mira’s mother said films like Nazar were being produced in Pakistan all the time. Other film actors turned against Mira and asked for action against her.
Sarfaraz Naeemi gives two hoots for the image of Pakistan he is projecting abroad. India earns its reputation as a benign and tolerant country by honouring its film actresses. The truth is that states make good reputations through their entertainment industry. Pakistan is venomous because it hates entertainment and is constantly found proposing savage punishments to its entertainers.
According to Nawa-e-Waqt (February 27, 2005) the wife of Mr Sheheryar Khan, former foreign secretary of Pakistan and current chief of the Pakistan Cricket Board, was seen embracing Indian foreign minister, Natwar Singh, and shaking with pleasure (jhoomna). The paper issued a picture from the India newspaper The Tribune to prove the point and said that normalisation with India was at the cost of the nation’s honour and self-respect (qaumi hamiyat aur ghairat).
The paper should have realised that Mrs Khan is an old lady, probably older than the grandmother of the journalist who wrote up this piece of defamation.
Reporting from Mianwali, Nawa-e-Waqt (February 28, 2007) stated that one Shafi and his gang picked up an innocent girl, raped her and then paraded her naked in the streets of the village Kari Kheor. Shafi was convinced that a brother of the girl was involved in a relationship with his sister and resorted to the honour-based rape.
This is what happens everyday in the countryside but the press is more worried that blasphemy may go unpunished.
Reported by Nawa-e-Waqt, (February 28, 2005) Jamaat Islami leader Liaquat Baloch stated that Qadianis were behind the Aga Khan Board which was being imposed on Pakistan to change its ideology. Fatah Mubahala Conference in Chiniot also featured one new Maulana Jhangvi who said that those who removed the mazhabi khana would be removed from the face of the earth.
After this, Mr Baloch would be wise not to visit any Western country. He can always go to Saudi Arabia, Sudan or the Gulf if the governments there are not scared of his indiscriminate and violent tongue. *
Freedom of Press in Pakistan!
Daily Times, April 29, 2005
Press not free in Pakistan, says Freedom House
By Khalid Hasan
Washington: Freedom House, which monitors the sate of freedom around the world every year, has placed Pakistan among countries where the press is “Not Free.”
According to Freedom House which released the survey this week, “Pakistan dropped from Partly Free to Not Free because of increased official harassment of journalists and media outlets, in addition to passage of a bill that increased penalties for defamation. The moves followed other aggressive measures taken over the last two years by military authorities to silence critical or investigative voices in the media. A number of journalists have been pressured to resign from prominent publications, charged with sedition, or arrested and intimidated by intelligence officials while in custody.” Only two countries - Pakistan and Kenya - registered a negative category shift in 2004, moving from Partly Free to Not Free. Pakistan was also among countries where Freedom House said “notable setbacks” had taken place. Others so listed were Kenya, Mexico, Venezuela, and in the United States itself.
While press freedom registered important gains in some key countries in 2004, notable setbacks occurred in the United States and elsewhere in the Americas, according to the study.
Increased restrictions were also detected in parts of Asia, Africa, and the former Soviet Union. The study - Freedom of the Press 2005: A Global Survey of Media Independence - revealed that gains outnumbered setbacks, as measured by shifts among the survey’s three main categories: free, partly free and not free. Improvements took place in countries where new democratic openings have been achieved or are burgeoning, such as in Ukraine and Lebanon. Several countries in the Middle East showed positive trends.
While the United States remained one of the strongest performers in the survey, its numerical score declined due to a number of legal cases in which prosecutors sought to compel journalists to reveal sources or turn over notes or other material they had gathered in the course of investigations. Additionally, doubts concerning official influence over media content emerged with the disclosures that several political commentators received grants from federal agencies, and that the Bush administration had significantly increased the practice of distributing government-produced news segments.
Out of the 194 countries and territories examined, 75 (39 percent) were rated Free, while 50 (26 percent) were rated Partly Free and 69 (35 percent) were rated Not Free.
According to the survey, five countries improved in category while two declined. In addition to Ukraine and Lebanon, Guatemala and Guinea-Bissau moved from Not Free to Partly Free, while Namibia moved from Partly Free to Free. The five worst rated countries in 2004 were Burma, Cuba, Libya, North Korea, and Turkmenistan. In these states, independent media are either non-existent or barely able to operate, the role of the press is reduced to serving as a mouthpiece for the ruling regime, and citizens’ access to unbiased information is severely limited, Freedom House said.
Press not free in Pakistan, says Freedom House
By Khalid Hasan
Washington: Freedom House, which monitors the sate of freedom around the world every year, has placed Pakistan among countries where the press is “Not Free.”
According to Freedom House which released the survey this week, “Pakistan dropped from Partly Free to Not Free because of increased official harassment of journalists and media outlets, in addition to passage of a bill that increased penalties for defamation. The moves followed other aggressive measures taken over the last two years by military authorities to silence critical or investigative voices in the media. A number of journalists have been pressured to resign from prominent publications, charged with sedition, or arrested and intimidated by intelligence officials while in custody.” Only two countries - Pakistan and Kenya - registered a negative category shift in 2004, moving from Partly Free to Not Free. Pakistan was also among countries where Freedom House said “notable setbacks” had taken place. Others so listed were Kenya, Mexico, Venezuela, and in the United States itself.
While press freedom registered important gains in some key countries in 2004, notable setbacks occurred in the United States and elsewhere in the Americas, according to the study.
Increased restrictions were also detected in parts of Asia, Africa, and the former Soviet Union. The study - Freedom of the Press 2005: A Global Survey of Media Independence - revealed that gains outnumbered setbacks, as measured by shifts among the survey’s three main categories: free, partly free and not free. Improvements took place in countries where new democratic openings have been achieved or are burgeoning, such as in Ukraine and Lebanon. Several countries in the Middle East showed positive trends.
While the United States remained one of the strongest performers in the survey, its numerical score declined due to a number of legal cases in which prosecutors sought to compel journalists to reveal sources or turn over notes or other material they had gathered in the course of investigations. Additionally, doubts concerning official influence over media content emerged with the disclosures that several political commentators received grants from federal agencies, and that the Bush administration had significantly increased the practice of distributing government-produced news segments.
Out of the 194 countries and territories examined, 75 (39 percent) were rated Free, while 50 (26 percent) were rated Partly Free and 69 (35 percent) were rated Not Free.
According to the survey, five countries improved in category while two declined. In addition to Ukraine and Lebanon, Guatemala and Guinea-Bissau moved from Not Free to Partly Free, while Namibia moved from Partly Free to Free. The five worst rated countries in 2004 were Burma, Cuba, Libya, North Korea, and Turkmenistan. In these states, independent media are either non-existent or barely able to operate, the role of the press is reduced to serving as a mouthpiece for the ruling regime, and citizens’ access to unbiased information is severely limited, Freedom House said.
Gilgit Violence
Daily Times
April 29, 2005
EDITORIAL: Take Gilgit violence seriously!
Last Wednesday, Gilgit again saw sectarian violence when four Shias were shot and wounded by unidentified gunmen. The city’s old polo ground area, where the incident happened, immediately erupted in gunfire, forcing the administration to call in army and paramilitary troops to cordon off the area and search for weapons. Thirty-two people have already been arrested in connection with the incident and the city has been placed under Section 144 for two months to avoid further disruption of life.
The Northern Areas as a whole have fallen through a black-hole. Information about violence in the area reaches the rest of the country sporadically. The government has done nothing to enlighten people about what exactly is happening there. The press has made only half-hearted efforts to unearth the dynamics of sectarian tension in the region. The official response to acts of violence typically takes the form of stopgap administrative action: curfews, slapping Section 144, calling in the army, cordons and arrests. There is hardly any attempt to address the causes of sectarian unrest to return the area to normalcy on a long-term basis. The result is obviously a recrudescence of violence every now and then. In the past four months alone, official toll of casualties related to sectarian violence stands at 35.
The region has been in the grip of sectarian fever for nearly two years now. It all started with the Shia community objecting to some lessons in the Islamic studies syllabi. We do not know what the government has done to address the grievance of the community. But we do know that since then the region has seen a number of sectarian attacks. On January 8 this year a prominent Shia cleric, Agha Ziauddin Rizvi, was shot dead by unidentified gunmen. The reaction to that came down south in Karachi where a Sipah-e-Sahaba cleric was shot dead. An attempt to kill another Sunni-Deobandi cleric in Islamabad failed. Later, on March 23, a former Northern Areas police chief, Sakhiullah Tareen, was shot dead along with his police guards. Just days before he was killed, Mr Tareen had led a crackdown on sectarian groups. To add to the woes of people in the region, the Karakoram Highway has apparently become a haven for criminal gangs who loot and kill travellers at will.
None of this adds up to any good. The Northern Areas are a direct responsibility of the federal government that deals with them through a ministry. Their legal status is already disputed within the larger ambit of the Kashmir issue. They also offer the best tourist destinations in Pakistan, besides the peaks that are sought-after by climbers around the world. Unrest in the area hurts Pakistan’s interests at multiple levels. Whatever the federal government might have done so far is clearly not enough. It needs to look into the causes of sectarian tension instead of merely employing its administrative might to counter acts of violence reactively; if this means looking into the syllabi and correcting what is wrong in them, that must be done immediately. This would also instil in people the confidence that Islamabad is serious about tackling the situation. That would open space for the government to co-opt leaders of the two communities and get them to clean up their act. On the administrative side, it would become much easier for the law enforcement agencies to weed out the troublemakers. *
April 29, 2005
EDITORIAL: Take Gilgit violence seriously!
Last Wednesday, Gilgit again saw sectarian violence when four Shias were shot and wounded by unidentified gunmen. The city’s old polo ground area, where the incident happened, immediately erupted in gunfire, forcing the administration to call in army and paramilitary troops to cordon off the area and search for weapons. Thirty-two people have already been arrested in connection with the incident and the city has been placed under Section 144 for two months to avoid further disruption of life.
The Northern Areas as a whole have fallen through a black-hole. Information about violence in the area reaches the rest of the country sporadically. The government has done nothing to enlighten people about what exactly is happening there. The press has made only half-hearted efforts to unearth the dynamics of sectarian tension in the region. The official response to acts of violence typically takes the form of stopgap administrative action: curfews, slapping Section 144, calling in the army, cordons and arrests. There is hardly any attempt to address the causes of sectarian unrest to return the area to normalcy on a long-term basis. The result is obviously a recrudescence of violence every now and then. In the past four months alone, official toll of casualties related to sectarian violence stands at 35.
The region has been in the grip of sectarian fever for nearly two years now. It all started with the Shia community objecting to some lessons in the Islamic studies syllabi. We do not know what the government has done to address the grievance of the community. But we do know that since then the region has seen a number of sectarian attacks. On January 8 this year a prominent Shia cleric, Agha Ziauddin Rizvi, was shot dead by unidentified gunmen. The reaction to that came down south in Karachi where a Sipah-e-Sahaba cleric was shot dead. An attempt to kill another Sunni-Deobandi cleric in Islamabad failed. Later, on March 23, a former Northern Areas police chief, Sakhiullah Tareen, was shot dead along with his police guards. Just days before he was killed, Mr Tareen had led a crackdown on sectarian groups. To add to the woes of people in the region, the Karakoram Highway has apparently become a haven for criminal gangs who loot and kill travellers at will.
None of this adds up to any good. The Northern Areas are a direct responsibility of the federal government that deals with them through a ministry. Their legal status is already disputed within the larger ambit of the Kashmir issue. They also offer the best tourist destinations in Pakistan, besides the peaks that are sought-after by climbers around the world. Unrest in the area hurts Pakistan’s interests at multiple levels. Whatever the federal government might have done so far is clearly not enough. It needs to look into the causes of sectarian tension instead of merely employing its administrative might to counter acts of violence reactively; if this means looking into the syllabi and correcting what is wrong in them, that must be done immediately. This would also instil in people the confidence that Islamabad is serious about tackling the situation. That would open space for the government to co-opt leaders of the two communities and get them to clean up their act. On the administrative side, it would become much easier for the law enforcement agencies to weed out the troublemakers. *
Sunday, April 24, 2005
Major obstacles to enlightened moderation
Daily Times, April 25, 2005
VIEW: Major obstacles to enlightened moderation —Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
While addressing the joint session of the Philippines parliament on April 19, President General Pervez Musharraf highlighted the notion of enlightened moderation and called upon Muslim states to “reject extremism and intolerance and promote socio-economic development”. He supported the efforts of the government of Philippines to seek a peaceful resolution of its conflict with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and called upon the Moro leaders to give up violence. This advice was coupled with a call to the Philippines government to “respect the rights, tradition and culture of its Muslim minority”.
President Pervez Musharraf’s statement was welcomed in the Philippines because its government is faced with an insurgency in the southern region. Because it was made outside Pakistan, the statement also attracted international attention. The global interest in this statement could be compared with the attention given to President Musharraf’s article on enlightened moderation published in Washington Post in June 2004.
One can hardly question enlightened moderation at the normative level. It is in consonance with the political views of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Iqbal who viewed Islam as an identity-making force and an ethical foundation for the society and the state. Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah coupled the principles and teachings of Islam with the modern notions of state, participatory governance, constitutionalism, rule of law, and equal citizenship for all irrespective of religion, caste, creed, and gender.
He offered a sound basis for an enlightened, modern and democratic state that was inspired by the Islamic ideals of socio-economic justice, equality, accountability of rulers, and rule of law. Religious extremism and socio-cultural intolerance figured neither in the theory nor in the practice of the Islamic state; nor still in the political disposition of Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan and other early rulers of Pakistan.
These principles got blurred in the wrangling over the constitution and the power struggle that have since characterised Pakistani politics. The conservative Islamic elements availed of the opportunity to expand their role. The government of General Yahya Khan (March 1969-December 1971) was the first military government to invoke the notion of the Islamic ideology of Pakistan to undercut the autonomy movement in what was then East Pakistan. The hard-line religious elements made some significant gains in the late 1960s and the early 1970s but Pakistan continued to be a relatively tolerant and plural society.
The situation drifted towards religious orthodoxy and extremism after General Zia ul Haq assumed power. For reasons beyond the scope of this article, the state — ruled by the military — patronised religious orthodoxy and militancy in the early 1980s. By the turn of the century, a generation had imbibed these values. It had been taught to believe as an article of faith that the Jews, Hindus and the West (i.e. Christians) were responsible for the suffering of the Muslims. The military-dominated state derived political dividends from the transformed Islamic profile of the Pakistani society, especially from militancy and jihad, which got closely linked with its policy towards Afghanistan and Kashmir.
However, the international and regional situation has changed so much that Pakistan’s present military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, is trying to rediscover Pakistan’s original moorings. He has repeatedly talked of curbing extremism and terrorism and promoting moderate and tolerant political and cultural values. The prime minister, federal ministers and the stalwarts of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League also express similar views and support his enlightened moderation.
The emphasis of the government’s policy of enlightened moderation is on issuing policy statements, taking punitive action against the activists of some hard-line and extremist groups, and redefining the relationship between Pakistan’s security agencies and the militant Islamic groups. While relevant, no doubt, to changing the profile of the Pakistani state and the society, these efforts alone are not going to produce the desired results.
Until the end of 2004, the government’s power interests obstructed the pursuit of the policy of enlightened moderation to its logical end. It sought the support of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), although the MMA was opposed to enlightened moderation and represented the political face of Islamic militancy in Pakistan. Now, the MMA and the government have developed serious differences but there are people in and around the presidency and in the ruling PML who continue to lean towards the MMA.
The insertion of the religion column in the new passports and the inscription of the state’s full name, i.e. Islamic Republic of Pakistan, on its cover is a clear concession to the MMA and the elements in the government and the PML who share the MMA outlook.
Another incident that reflects ambiguity in the government policy is the inclusion of Maulana Sami ul Haq in the parliamentary delegation that visited EU countries. What kind of image did the government of Pakistan want to project in Europe by sending some one known for his links with the Taliban movement, support to Al Qaeda, and opposition to Pakistan’s war on terrorism? The official Pakistani protest to the three EU countries might be correct in order to keep the record straight but one wonders what diplomatic purpose was served in including an individual in the delegation who could not engage in a meaningful dialogue with the hosts. Delegations are sent abroad to cultivate goodwill. Therefore the sensitivities of the hosts have to be taken into account before dispatching them.
Unfortunately, domestic considerations often determine the composition of delegations. The experience suggests that many Pakistani official delegations to North America and the European countries include free riders who lack the capacity to effectively project the Pakistani point of view in these regions. This also applies to Pakistan’s delegations to the UN General Assembly’s regular sessions. Most members are only interested in how their visit is reported in Pakistan rather than the impact in the host country.
If Pakistan is to build a soft and positive image, the official delegations visiting abroad (especially North America and the EU) should be constituted purely on the basis of merit and competence of the members to engage in serious and quality dialogue on the issues that concern the official as well as non-official circles in the host countries. The government must also take into account the sensitivities of the host countries.
President Musharraf cannot turn the slogan of enlightened moderation into a reality simply by issuing statements or executive orders. He needs to adopt a holistic approach. All areas of policymaking and management need to be revised and support built for his policies among political circles that openly espouse the cause of religious and cultural tolerance and political pluralism. If political convenience or power maintenance remain the supreme consideration, the government would have to retreat or pamper the sworn adversaries of the major contours of Musharraf’s domestic and foreign policies. The government needs to break out of the habit of relying on Islamic hard-liners for its stay in power so that the proverbial military-mullah partnership ceases to be a reality.
Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst
VIEW: Major obstacles to enlightened moderation —Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi
While addressing the joint session of the Philippines parliament on April 19, President General Pervez Musharraf highlighted the notion of enlightened moderation and called upon Muslim states to “reject extremism and intolerance and promote socio-economic development”. He supported the efforts of the government of Philippines to seek a peaceful resolution of its conflict with the Moro Islamic Liberation Front and called upon the Moro leaders to give up violence. This advice was coupled with a call to the Philippines government to “respect the rights, tradition and culture of its Muslim minority”.
President Pervez Musharraf’s statement was welcomed in the Philippines because its government is faced with an insurgency in the southern region. Because it was made outside Pakistan, the statement also attracted international attention. The global interest in this statement could be compared with the attention given to President Musharraf’s article on enlightened moderation published in Washington Post in June 2004.
One can hardly question enlightened moderation at the normative level. It is in consonance with the political views of Quaid-i-Azam Muhammad Ali Jinnah and Allama Iqbal who viewed Islam as an identity-making force and an ethical foundation for the society and the state. Quaid-i-Azam Jinnah coupled the principles and teachings of Islam with the modern notions of state, participatory governance, constitutionalism, rule of law, and equal citizenship for all irrespective of religion, caste, creed, and gender.
He offered a sound basis for an enlightened, modern and democratic state that was inspired by the Islamic ideals of socio-economic justice, equality, accountability of rulers, and rule of law. Religious extremism and socio-cultural intolerance figured neither in the theory nor in the practice of the Islamic state; nor still in the political disposition of Jinnah, Liaquat Ali Khan and other early rulers of Pakistan.
These principles got blurred in the wrangling over the constitution and the power struggle that have since characterised Pakistani politics. The conservative Islamic elements availed of the opportunity to expand their role. The government of General Yahya Khan (March 1969-December 1971) was the first military government to invoke the notion of the Islamic ideology of Pakistan to undercut the autonomy movement in what was then East Pakistan. The hard-line religious elements made some significant gains in the late 1960s and the early 1970s but Pakistan continued to be a relatively tolerant and plural society.
The situation drifted towards religious orthodoxy and extremism after General Zia ul Haq assumed power. For reasons beyond the scope of this article, the state — ruled by the military — patronised religious orthodoxy and militancy in the early 1980s. By the turn of the century, a generation had imbibed these values. It had been taught to believe as an article of faith that the Jews, Hindus and the West (i.e. Christians) were responsible for the suffering of the Muslims. The military-dominated state derived political dividends from the transformed Islamic profile of the Pakistani society, especially from militancy and jihad, which got closely linked with its policy towards Afghanistan and Kashmir.
However, the international and regional situation has changed so much that Pakistan’s present military ruler, General Pervez Musharraf, is trying to rediscover Pakistan’s original moorings. He has repeatedly talked of curbing extremism and terrorism and promoting moderate and tolerant political and cultural values. The prime minister, federal ministers and the stalwarts of the ruling Pakistan Muslim League also express similar views and support his enlightened moderation.
The emphasis of the government’s policy of enlightened moderation is on issuing policy statements, taking punitive action against the activists of some hard-line and extremist groups, and redefining the relationship between Pakistan’s security agencies and the militant Islamic groups. While relevant, no doubt, to changing the profile of the Pakistani state and the society, these efforts alone are not going to produce the desired results.
Until the end of 2004, the government’s power interests obstructed the pursuit of the policy of enlightened moderation to its logical end. It sought the support of the Muttahida Majlis-i-Amal (MMA), although the MMA was opposed to enlightened moderation and represented the political face of Islamic militancy in Pakistan. Now, the MMA and the government have developed serious differences but there are people in and around the presidency and in the ruling PML who continue to lean towards the MMA.
The insertion of the religion column in the new passports and the inscription of the state’s full name, i.e. Islamic Republic of Pakistan, on its cover is a clear concession to the MMA and the elements in the government and the PML who share the MMA outlook.
Another incident that reflects ambiguity in the government policy is the inclusion of Maulana Sami ul Haq in the parliamentary delegation that visited EU countries. What kind of image did the government of Pakistan want to project in Europe by sending some one known for his links with the Taliban movement, support to Al Qaeda, and opposition to Pakistan’s war on terrorism? The official Pakistani protest to the three EU countries might be correct in order to keep the record straight but one wonders what diplomatic purpose was served in including an individual in the delegation who could not engage in a meaningful dialogue with the hosts. Delegations are sent abroad to cultivate goodwill. Therefore the sensitivities of the hosts have to be taken into account before dispatching them.
Unfortunately, domestic considerations often determine the composition of delegations. The experience suggests that many Pakistani official delegations to North America and the European countries include free riders who lack the capacity to effectively project the Pakistani point of view in these regions. This also applies to Pakistan’s delegations to the UN General Assembly’s regular sessions. Most members are only interested in how their visit is reported in Pakistan rather than the impact in the host country.
If Pakistan is to build a soft and positive image, the official delegations visiting abroad (especially North America and the EU) should be constituted purely on the basis of merit and competence of the members to engage in serious and quality dialogue on the issues that concern the official as well as non-official circles in the host countries. The government must also take into account the sensitivities of the host countries.
President Musharraf cannot turn the slogan of enlightened moderation into a reality simply by issuing statements or executive orders. He needs to adopt a holistic approach. All areas of policymaking and management need to be revised and support built for his policies among political circles that openly espouse the cause of religious and cultural tolerance and political pluralism. If political convenience or power maintenance remain the supreme consideration, the government would have to retreat or pamper the sworn adversaries of the major contours of Musharraf’s domestic and foreign policies. The government needs to break out of the habit of relying on Islamic hard-liners for its stay in power so that the proverbial military-mullah partnership ceases to be a reality.
Dr Hasan-Askari Rizvi is a political and defence analyst
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