"Living With Zia's Legacy"

The News, March 27, 2005
Living with Zia's legacy
Ghazi Salahuddin

By restoring the religion column in machine-readable passports, our present rulers have demonstrated their own loss of faith in what they describe as 'enlightened moderation'. On the face of it, this move would be seen as an attempt to appease the religious parties that have mounted a campaign against the government. But a careful appraisal of the existing state of affairs would raise some very serious questions about the sagacity and judgment of those who momentarily preside over our destiny in these critical times.

It would be instructive to look at how the controversy has been played out during the past six months. Any suggestion that the authorities were not aware of the hullabaloo that would result from their resolve to accept the internationally recognised format for the machine-readable passports is simply unacceptable. The removal of the religion column was bound to annoy the religious lobby. It thus seemed to be a well-considered and courageous action.

It was encouraging to note that the government initially held out against angry protests from religious parties and objections raised by elements that support these parties from within the citadel of power. The formation of a five-member ministerial committee did not, also, ring any alarm bells. There was this feeling that President General Pervez Musharraf would not allow any deflection from his 'enlightened moderation' strategy, be it only of a symbolic nature. After all, the initial decision could be defended with logic and commitment.

Come to think of it, the controversy should have been welcomed as an opportunity to confront the religious parties and expose their penchant for invoking religion in all and often peripheral matters. Opposition to 'enlightened moderation' on an issue like this would have, in a sense, vindicated the professed thrust towards a liberal dispensation. We know that the machine-readable passports are intended to facilitate our citizens at a time when, for obvious reasons, Pakistanis often encounter inhospitable reception from suspicious immigration officials. We need our official documents to be credible and at par with international standards.

At the same time that the insertion of the religion column in our new passports has exposed the limitations of the government in making and then adhering to a decision, and it has emboldened the religious parties, specifically the MMA alliance. The timing is ominous. It has come after a better than expected response to MMA's 'million march' in Karachi and before the country-wide call for a strike on April 2. Paradoxically, this may also have raised the quality of MMA's campaign because now the alliance can focus more intently on such popular issues as poverty, unemployment and rising prices.

What really compelled the promoters of 'enlightened moderation' to retreat on the issue of the religion column? One very disturbing thought is that it confirms the persistence of General Zia-ul-Haq's dark legacy in the minds of our rulers. In fact, there is more than a symbolic reincarnation of Zia's spirit in the person of Ijaz-ul-Haq, his son, who is now federal minister of religious affairs. President Musharraf has lately indicated his soft spot for the liberal political stance of the Pakistan People's Party, a party with which a deal could be negotiated. But his choice of ministers tells another story.

One wonders what it would be like had there been no 9/11. President Musharraf would, perhaps, still be holding the torch of the Taliban that was lit by Zia. Ah, but the MMA was nurtured well after 9/11 and its agitation is indirectly supported by the comparative inaction of the liberal elements. Is there a conspiracy to further bolster the MMA?

Be that as it may, the cost of appeasing the MMA is likely to be substantial. History has taught us that such appeasement never works. Zulfiqar Ali Bhutto sought to control the momentum of his religious opposition during the twilight days of his rule by resorting to prohibition and a public holiday on Fridays. It only underlined his political weakness. Incidentally, when the National Assembly members of the People's Party criticised the government on Thursday for surrendering to the religious parties, they were reminded of another fateful decision made under the pressure of the religious lobby in 1974, when the then National Assembly was made to declare Qadianis as 'kafir'.

Against this backdrop, the cause of 'enlightened moderation' demands, first, an end to hypocritical gestures. To transform this cause into concrete action, we need to accept courageous new ideas and not defend old orthodoxies. Essentially, this task belongs to legitimate political forces that have a vested interest in a truly democratic dispensation. Yes, the fact that the establishment is supportive of a somewhat liberal and progressive polity has complicated this issue.

Consequently, we have a sense of disarray in the political arena. Though I have devoted my attention to the establishment's retreat on the religion column because of its significance in the context of the country's sense of direction, momentous developments have taken place in Balochistan. Again, it is the establishment's inability to learn from history that has brought us to the edge of a possible disaster. A feeling of unease and apprehension that is generated by events in Sui and Dera Bugti was further enhanced by the crash of the stock market. In addition, the law and order situation is getting precarious.

In all equations, the people suffer. They feel powerless and vulnerable. There is an air of uncertainty about how the political situation will evolve in the coming weeks and months. Because of the lack of leadership and social fragmentation at different levels, an organised and purposeful movement for change has not yet emerged. With all the power at its disposal, the establishment is apparently unable to take control. Its poor quality of governance is manifest in all sectors. There is a sense of urgency about the situation in Balochistan but the sorrows of Sindh, for instance, are of an abiding nature.

Irrespective of the range and depth of the social disorder that is simmering, the political support of the religious parties is not formidable. Their gain in the elections of October 2002 was the result, largely, of the establishment's suppression of the mainstream and supposedly liberal parties. It will be unfortunate if the MMA is now able to spearhead the expression of popular discontent that has nothing to do with such issues as the religion column in the new passports.

We desperately require a more rational and socially enlightened interpretation of our national predicament. This should, then, lead to a systematic mobilisation of all political forces that have a stake in democracy and the realisation of people's yearning for social, political and economic emancipation. How the spread of 'enlightened moderation' will figure in this conflict is for the establishment to decide -- if it can still make wise decisions.

The writer is a staff member
Email: ghazi_salahuddin@hotmail.com