Monday, January 31, 2011

What Arabs are not talking about?

Exit the Israel Alibi
By ROGER COHEN, NEw York Times, January 31, 2011

LONDON — One way to measure the immense distance traveled by Arabs over the past month is to note the one big subject they are not talking about: Israel.

For too long, the Israeli-Palestinian conflict has been the great diversion, exploited by feckless Arab autocrats to distract impoverished populations. None of these Arab leaders ever bothered to visit the West Bank. That did not stop them embracing the justice of the Palestinian cause even as they trampled on justice at home.

Now, Arabs are thinking about their own injustices. With great courage, they are saying “Enough!”

The big shift is in the captive Arab mind. It is an immense journey from a culture of victimhood to one of self-empowerment, from a culture of conspiracy to one of construction. It is a long road from rage to responsibility, from humiliation to action.

The Muslim suicide bomber aims fury at a perceived outside enemy. Self-immolation, the spark to this great pan-Arab uprising, betrays similar desperation, but directed inward. The outer scapegoat is replaced as the target by the inner Arab culprit.

Change won’t come overnight, and won’t be without pain, but Arabs have embarked on it — and the United States must support them without equivocation. Hosni Mubarak, the Egyptian president, is finished: It is only a matter of time. No wonder the Obama administration is calling for an “orderly transition.”

Sure, there is risk. There always is in change. But nothing in the Arab genome says democracy, liberty and plain decency are unattainable.

Remember, Mohamed Atta, the leader of the 9/11 attack, came from Hosni Mubarak’s Egypt. The vast majority of Atta’s henchmen came from another U.S.-backed Arab autocracy, Saudi Arabia. They did not come from Iran. They did not come from Lebanon — or Gaza.

For complete article, click here

Pakistan: Need for Focus on Policy

The need for policy
Ahsan Butt, Dawn, Jan 31, 2011

TodayIF General Kayani keeps his promise to not upend the democratic process in the next 24 months, Pakistani political parties will be in uncharted territory.

It will be the first time in our country’s history that the national and provincial assemblies will have completed their terms; the first time that our political parties will have participated in two consecutive (relatively) free and fair elections. To say this would be an important milestone is an understatement.

Of course such a development would bring its own set of challenges for these parties. Mainly, it would ensure that voters have parties’ recent records in mind, with nowhere to hide. Historically, this has not been the case. Our parties have generally mobilised vote banks either on the basis of patronage, or a sense of victimisation by highlighting real and perceived crimes against them.

Politicking as collective martyrs will still be a popular tactic in the 2013 elections, but it may not work as well as it did in years past. Unaligned voters will have more prosaic concerns: what have you actually done in the last five years? Pakistanis’ collective memories may be short, but not that short. To address these challenges our parties have to make actual policymaking and governance more salient in their campaigning. They must talk about actual on-the-ground solutions to on-the-ground problems.

For completre article, click here

Sunday, January 30, 2011

Can Mubarak Sustain ?

A protestor holds up an Egyptian flag in Cairo, Sunday, Jan. 30, 2011. The Arab world's most populous nation appeared to be swiftly moving closer to a point at which it either dissolves into widespread chaos or the military expands its presence and control of the streets - A protestor holds up an Egyptian flag in Cairo, Sunday, Jan. 30, 2011. The Arab world's most populous nation appeared to be swiftly moving closer to a point at which it either dissolves into widespread chaos or the military expands its presence and control of the streets | Ahmed Ali/The Associated Press

How much longer can Mubarak cling on?

Robert Fisk reports from Cairo on the protests that refuse to die
Independent, Jan 31, 2011

The old lady in the red scarf was standing inches from the front of am American-made M1 Abrams tank of the Egyptian Third Army, right on the edge of Tahrir Square. Its soldiers were paratroops, some in red berets, others in helmets, gun barrels pointed across the square, heavy machine guns mounted on the turrets. "If they fire on the Egyptian people, Mubarak is finished," she said. "And if they don't fire on the Egyptian people, Mubarak is finished." Of such wisdom are Egyptians now possessed.

Shortly before dusk, four F-16 Falcons – again, of course, manufactured by President Barack Obama's country – came screaming over the square, echoes bouncing off the shabby grey buildings and the giant Nasserist block, as the eyes of the tens of thousands of people in the square stared upwards. "They are on our side," the cry went up from the crowds. Somehow, I didn't think so. And those tanks, new to the square, 14 in all that arrived with no slogans pained on them, their soldiers sullen and apprehensive, had not come – as the protesters fondly believed – to protect them.

But then, when I talked to an officer on one of the tanks, he burst out with a smile. "We will never fire on our people – even if we are ordered to do so," he shouted over the roar of his engine. Again, I was not so sure. President Hosni Mubarak – or perhaps we should now say "president" in quotation marks – was at the military headquarters, having appointed his new junta of former military and intelligence officers. The rumour went round the square: the old wolf would try to fight on to the end. Others said it didn't matter. "Can he kill 80 million Egyptians?"

For complete article, click here
Related:
Obama administration aligns itself with protests in Egypt with call for 'orderly transition' - Washington Post
Q&A: What's at stake for U.S. in Egypt unrest - Reuters
Egypt: Log on to the Revolution - Huffington Post
Mubarak shows no hint of caving to protests - Globe and Mail (picture source)
The Rebellion Grows Stronger - Democracy NOW

Inside Egypt's Army


General Sami Enan with other army officers from Egypt
Mubarak's appointment of military men to top posts continues Egypt's martial style of rule
By Janine Zacharia, Washington Post Foreign Service, January 29, 2011

CAIRO - The installation of military men into powerful new roles in the Egyptian government on Saturday reflected a martial style of rule unbroken in Egypt since Gamal Abdel Nasser and his young officers toppled the monarchy in 1952.

The newly designated vice president, Gen. Omar Suleiman, 74, has headed Egypt's intelligence service for 18 years. Along with a new prime minister who is a former air force commander, Suleiman is first among a troika of leaders on whom President Hosni Mubarak is relying in what appears to be an attempt to secure the regime, if not his presidency, after days of protests aimed at his ouster.

U.S. officials have long viewed Suleiman as a likely transitional leader, at minimum, after Mubarak leaves office. In a classified cable released by the anti-secrecy group WikiLeaks, a 2007 State Department assessment described Suleiman as a "rock-solid" loyalist to Mubarak who was being groomed, even then, for a more public role.

With army tanks dispatched into the streets, where soldiers sought to calm angry protesters, the changes on Saturday affirmed the pivotal role of Egypt's military and intelligence services in a country whose army has long held citizens' respect, even if its commanders are disliked.

Suleiman is known as a close and trusted adviser to Mubarak, as is Ahmed Shafiq, 69, the newly designated prime minister. Field Marshal Mohammed Hussein Tantawi, 75, who remains in place as the top military commander, isn't seen as a possible successor but likely would be an important figure in ensuring the military's loyalty to a new government.

Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi 2002.jpg
Field Marshal Mohamed
Hussein Tantawi
It was a combination unlikely to appease demonstrators who have been demanding an end to Mubarak's rule entirely.

For complete article, click here

Related:
Experts: Egypt's fate rests in hands of popular, powerful military - CNN
Egyptians Defiant as Military Does Little to Quash Protests - NYT
Egypt's Defense Budget - Janes
U.S. and Egyptian military chiefs meet in Washington - Reuters
Egypt Protesters Welcome Army As It Projects Power - AP/NPR
Top Picture Source - Associated Press

UPDATES:
The Arab Military Is Not the Solution - Rami G. Khouri
The Domino Theory, Egypt's Military and the Mighty Dollar - Huffington Post

Saturday, January 29, 2011

Robert Fisk: A people defies its dictator...

Egyptian demonstrators brave police water cannons and tear gas during the widespread running battles in Cairo


A people defies its dictator, and a nation's future is in the balance

A brutal regime is fighting, bloodily, for its life. Robert Fisk reports from the streets of Cairo
Robert Fisk, The Independent, Jan 29, 2011

It might be the end. It is certainly the beginning of the end. Across Egypt, tens of thousands of Arabs braved tear gas, water cannons, stun grenades and live fire yesterday to demand the removal of Hosni Mubarak after more than 30 years of dictatorship.

And as Cairo lay drenched under clouds of tear gas from thousands of canisters fired into dense crowds by riot police, it looked as if his rule was nearing its finish. None of us on the streets of Cairo yesterday even knew where Mubarak – who would later appear on television to dismiss his cabinet – was. And I didn't find anyone who cared.

They were brave, largely peaceful, these tens of thousands, but the shocking behaviour of Mubarak's plainclothes battagi – the word does literally mean "thugs" in Arabic – who beat, bashed and assaulted demonstrators while the cops watched and did nothing, was a disgrace. These men, many of them ex-policemen who are drug addicts, were last night the front line of the Egyptian state. The true representatives of Hosni Mubarak as uniformed cops showered gas on to the crowds.

For complete article, click here
Related:
Al Jazeera's Egypt coverage embarrasses U.S. cable news channels - Salon
How did the U.S. get in bed with Mubarak?- Salon
Don't Fear Egypt's Muslim Brotherhood - Brookings

The Battle for Cairo



Egypt’s Military Is Seen as Pivotal in Next Step
By NEIL MacFARQUHAR, New York Times, January 28, 2011

Even as armored military vehicles deployed around important Egyptian government institutions on Friday for the first time in decades, it remained difficult to predict what role the armed forces might play in either quelling the disturbances or easing President Hosni Mubarak from power.

“Are they on the side of the nation or are they on the side of the regime?” a former senior Western diplomat with long service in Cairo asked. “That distinction had been blurred. We are now seeing a modern test of whether there is a separation between the two.”

The Egyptian military, the world’s 10th largest, is powerful, popular and largely opaque.

The military carried out the 1952 coup that overthrew the monarchy and has considered itself the shepherd of the revolution ever since; all four presidents in the ensuing years have been military generals.

But Mr. Mubarak, who led the Air Force before rising to prominence when President Anwar el-Sadat appointed him vice president in 1975, worked hard to keep the army out of overt politics and under his control.

In one famous incident, he dismissed Field Marshal Abdel-Halim Abu Ghazala, a popular, charismatic war hero, from his post as defense minister in 1989. The general had been tied to a smuggling scandal, but most analysts thought he had been fired because his public profile was too high.

No general has sought to curry public favor since. The current defense minister, Field Marshal Mohamed Hussein Tantawi, an unpopular man in his late 70s, is considered unlikely to challenge Mr. Mubarak.

When Tunisia exploded in chaos this month, the decision of the military chief not to fire on protesters was seen as a decisive factor in driving President Zine el-Abidine Ben Ali out of the country. No one thinks a Mubarak loyalist like General Tantawi would play that role, but at some point his top subordinates might consider it. (Senior members of the general staff were in Washington when the violence erupted and hurried home.)

The army commands broad respect in Egypt. Demonstrators cheered on Friday as tanks deployed in front of government buildings like the Foreign Ministry and the main broadcast center. The demonstrators were partly inspired by the Tunisian example, analysts said, and some hoped that the military might play a similar role in Egypt.

The public’s respect contrasts sharply with the prevailing view of the police and other Interior Ministry forces, who are known for brutality and nicknamed “bultagia,” or thugs, by Egyptians.

For complete article, click here
Related:
Cairo in near-anarchy as protesters push to oust president - Washington Post
Egypt Shuts Down Internet, Cellphone Services - WSJ
Obama Forced to Rethink Mideast Policy as Protests Roil Cities in Egypt - Bloomberg
Egyptian Hopes Converge in Fight for Cairo Bridge - NYT
Egypt protests: America's secret backing for rebel leaders behind uprising - Telegraph

Friday, January 28, 2011

Terror in the heart of Pakistan...

How Pakistan's Largest Religious Minority Has Come Under Siege
By Omar Waraich / Islamabad Friday, Jan. 28, 2011

For Pakistan's Shi'ites, the horrific scenes were depressingly familiar. On Tuesday, as thousands of Shi'ite worshippers solemnly shuffled through the medieval and narrow streets of Lahore's Old City, past its historic displays of Mughal grandeur, a teenage suicide bomber blew himself up nearby at a police checkpoint, killing 13 people and wounding scores. An hour later, in Karachi, a bomb exploded near a second procession, slaying two policemen. "It's very tragic," Shah Mahmood Qureshi, Pakistan's Foreign Minister, tells TIME. "One can only despise the elements who are killing innocent people, people who are performing their religious duties." The marchers were marking the final day of an annual Shi'ite mourning period that recalls the seventh century martyrdom of their most revered saint, Imam Hussain.

Most traditional days of mourning are now followed by fresh ones. Last September, as Shi'ites marched through Lahore's same streets to mark the Day of Ali, the Prophet's cousin, a triple suicide bombing ripped through the city, killing 31 worshippers and wounding more than 200. And just two days later, terror struck again, with over 43 Shi'ites slain amid an annual march in support of Palestinians in the southwest city of Quetta. A year ago, 32 people were brutally killed in Karachi on Ashura, the holiest day for Shi'ites — who are a minority in predominantly Sunni Pakistan. "Sadly, you can predict a terror attack on any of these days and you won't be wrong," says Talat Masood, a retired general turned security analyst.

.....

And it is Punjab, the largest and wealthiest province, that may require the greatest attention in terms of Pakistan's future stability. "While there's a genuine insurgency issue in the tribal areas," says senior opposition politician Mushahid Hussain, "there's a genuine terrorism issue in Punjab. In the long run, it's even more dangerous than the tribal areas. We are talking about the very heart of the country."

For complete article, click here

The Blasphemy Law Politics in Pakistan

Clerics on the march
Ayaz Amir, The News, January 14, 2011

This is not about blasphemy or the honour of the Holy Prophet. This is now all about politics, about the forces of the clergy, routed in the last elections, discovering a cause on whose bandwagon they have mounted with a vengeance.

The blasphemy issue ignited by Aasia Bibi’s conviction was virtually over in November, the government making it plain that it had not the slightest intention of amending the blasphemy law, and no government figure of any consequence stepping forward to support Salmaan Taseer on the stand he had taken.

There the matter should have rested if Pakistan’s clerical armies were not masters of manipulation and cold-blooded calculation. They whipped up a storm in December, when the issue was no longer an issue, and fanned such an atmosphere of intolerance and hatred that it would have been strange if nothing terrible had happened.

There’s a danger of moaning too much. But what with the lionising of Salmaan Taseer’s killer and hailing him as a ghazi and defender of the faith, the impression is hard to shake off that what we are witnessing are the last burial rites of what remains of sanity in a Republic not particularly famous for any striking monuments to reason.

No cleric worth the name has refrained from adding fuel to the fires thus lit across the country. But if a prize has to be given to anyone, the honours will go to Pakistan’s path-breaking contributor to political gymnastics, Maulana Fazlur Rehman, and the Amir of the Jamaat-e-Islami, Professor Munawar Hasan (professor of what?...one is tempted to ask).

The Professor is a study in contrasts: soft-spoken, even beguilingly so, and possessing a keen sense of humour but, at the same time, a master of virulence and of confusion spread in the name of the faith. The 2008 elections had laid the Jamaat low. It had made the mistake of boycotting those elections and its performance in bye-elections since then has furnished further proof of its dwindling political relevance. The Jamaat’s exploitation of the blasphemy issue is an attempt to engineer a political comeback, although there’s no altering the fact that its vote-getting ability comes nowhere near its high nuisance value.

But the issue has to be faced squarely. The clerics are on the march not because they are strong but because those on the other side of the divide – the non-clerical forces – are weak, directionless and devoid of vision...without any strategy and plan of battle.

Zardari’s vision is to stay in power and further enrich his person and his family. End of story. The common belief is he has enough but, by all accounts, we are dealing with insatiable appetites. Prime Minister Yousuf Raza Gilani’s vision is to enrich his family. If a tenth of the stories doing the rounds are to be even tentatively believed, they are doing pretty well for themselves. Names close to the army high command are also the subject of lurid rumours.

But the problem is greater than a few names. Pakistan’s governing class as a whole has earned the distinction of being rotten and corrupt. Everyone rightly-placed is on the take. Those not so fortunate are less emblems of virtue than martyrs to opportunities absent or lost.

A leadership thus tainted, compromised by ineptitude and greed, can neither initiate reform nor reverse the tide of obscurantism now washing against the walls of the Republic.

Lest we forget, the armies of the faithful – with their fearsome beards and shaven moustaches, shalwars pulled up over ankles – have never been in power in Pakistan (the MMA’s stint as Musharraf’s co-travellers in the Frontier not really counting in this equation). What Pakistan is today, the depths it has plumbed, the failures courted, the follies assiduously pursued, have been the handiwork of its English-speaking elite classes – who wouldn’t be caught dead calling themselves secular but who, for all practical purposes, represent a secularist point of view.

The mullahs have not been responsible for our various alliances with the United States; our entry into Cento and Seato; our militarist adventures vis-Ć -vis India; and the honing of ‘jihad’ as an instrument of strategic fallacies. This last piece of brilliance came from the army as commanded by Gen Ziaul Haq. Religious elements became willing accessories in this game but were not its inventors.

If the first Constituent Assembly lavished attention on a piece of rhetoric of no practical benefit to anyone, the Objectives Resolution, instead of writing a constitution which was its chief duty, the fault lay not so much with the clerical fathers as with the Muslim League leadership. The phrase ‘ideology of Pakistan’ was an invention of Gen Yahya Khan’s information minister, Maj Gen Nawabzada Sher Ali Khan. The central tenet of our security doctrine which sees India as an implacable foe out to undo Pakistan was woven in no madrassah or mosque but in General Headquarters, and a mindset which has been a distinguishing feature of the Punjabi elite.

Our fractured education system is a gift, paradoxically, of our English-speaking classes which have never felt the slightest need for framing a common education policy – the same books and curriculum, the same medium of education – for the entire country.

The army, a secular institution to begin with, has ruled Pakistan. The mainstream parties have been in power. Pakistan’s failures are their failures. The religious parties have been the hyenas and jackals of the hunt, yelping from the sides and helping themselves to the morsels that came their way. Lords of the hunt, lions of the pack, have been Pakistan’s generals and politicians, assisted ably at all times by a powerful and equally short-sighted mandarin class.

If the misuse of religion, the exploitation of religion for less-than-holy ends, the yoking of religion to unworthy causes – such as our never-ending adventures in Afghanistan – has poisoned the national atmosphere and narrowed the space for reasoned debate, the principal responsibility for that too lies with those who have held the reins of power in their hands. Why could they not have reversed the course of events, especially when it lay in their power to do so?

True, Gen Zia’s rule amounted to a visitation from the outer reaches of purgatory. We say he distorted Pakistan, which of course he did. But it is 22 years since his departure, time enough to have healed the wounds he caused and dismantle his legacy. But if the many temples to hypocrisy he erected survive, who is to blame? The Pakistan of today is Zia’s Pakistan not Jinnah’s. But if we have been unable to go back to our founding principles the fault lies not with the zealous armies of the bearded but Pakistan’s secular rulers, in mufti and khaki.

It is not the mullahs who frighten the ruling classes. These classes are afraid of their own shadows. And they have lost the ability, if they ever had it in the first place, to think for themselves. They live on imported ideas and the power of their own fantasies.

It is not a question of the English-speaking classes – our so-called civil society with its small candle-light vigils, usually in some upscale market – standing up to the clerical armies. This is to get the whole picture wrong. It is a question of the Pakistani state – its various institutions, its defence establishment and the creeds and fallacies held dear as articles of faith by this establishment – getting its direction right and then creating a new consensus enabling it to retreat from the paths of folly.

If the Pakistani establishment continues to see India as the enemy, keeps pouring money into an arms race it cannot afford, is afflicted by delusions of grandeur relative to Afghanistan, and remains unmindful of the economic disaster into which the country is fast slipping, we will never get a grip on the challenges we face.

The raging cleric, frothing at the mouth, is thus not the problem. He is merely a symptom of something larger. Pakistan’s problem is the delusional general and the incompetent politician and as long as this is not fixed, the holy armies of bigotry will remain on the march.

Thursday, January 27, 2011

After Tunisia, Egypt - Support The Winds of Change

2,200 Arab Scholars, Politicians, and Activists Issue Appeal for Human Rights and Democracy in the Arab World
Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID), Jan 27, 2011

Washington - January 27, 2011 - In the Aftermath of the Tunisian revolution, and the beginning of a popular uprising in Egypt, more than 2,200 Arab scholars, politicians, and activists - from over 20 Arab countries - issued today an "URGENT APPEAL" for the defense and consolidation of human rights and democracy in the Arab World.

"The Casablanca Call has been endorsed by leading thinkers and politicians from the Arab World, from all political leanings and persuasions, from the leftists and secularists to moderate Islamists and the Muslim Brotherhood, agreeing that democracy and human rights are an "absolute necessity" for the Arab world today", says Radwan Masmoudi, President of the Center for the Study of Islam and Democracy (CSID), and convener of the Casablanca Conference on Human Rights and Democracy.

"The Tunisian revolution has shattered several myths: the myth of Middle Eastern democratic exceptionalism, the myth of achieving economic reform without political liberalization, and the myth that western backing of autocratic regimes in the region will maintain stability and protect western strategic interests", said Emad El-Din Shahin, Professor of Religion, Conflict and Peacebuilding at the University of Notre Dame, and one of the drafters of the Casablanca Call.

Included below is the text of the Casablanca Call:

The Casablanca Call for Democracy and Human Rights

We, the signatories to this call, as politicians, intellectuals and civil society advocates, believe that the achievement of democracy and the embodiment of human rights in the Arab world is an absolute necessity and requires a broader engagement of all citizens and political and social forces. We observe, with great concern, the dramatic and alarming backsliding of political reforms in the Arab world, due to several structural obstacles since the beginning of the new century. We hereby appeal to all parties concerned with the future of democracy - governments, civil society institutions, political organizations, trade unions, and the media - in the belief that the achievement of real and effective reforms is the responsibility of all parties.

We affirm that confronting the various obstacles that continue to prevent the achievement of a peaceful transfer of power requires the following:

1- An immediate undertaking of profound and effective political reforms that respect the rule of law and institutional integrity based on the principle of separation of powers. This must be done in accordance with the principle of peoples' sovereignty, respect for human rights and freedoms, and by confirming the ballot box as the only legitimate method of achieving a peaceful transfer of power, and ensuring the transparency of the electoral process, accepting its results, and enhancing the efforts of independent monitors in accordance with international standards;

2- Protection of an independent judiciary as a top priority for democratic change, as a prerequisite for the protection of human rights and freedoms, and as the guarantor for the supremacy of the rule of law and state institutions;

3- The immediate release of all political prisoners - numbering in the thousands in various Arab prisons - and putting an end to political trials of any kind, torture of political opponents, and the practice of kidnapping;

4- Enabling and encouraging political parties and trade unions to engage in their right to organize freely, use all available media outlets, take advantage of public funding, and be free of any interference of the state apparatus in their affairs;

5- Acknowledgment of the right of civil society organizations to perform their advocacy roles freely and effectively, having their independence and privacy duly respected, their internal affairs not disrupted, and their sources of financial support kept open and active. We call upon all Arab governments to engage with civil society organizations in real a partnerships to achieve sustainable human development and to empower women and youth to take part in the development process;

6- Guarantee of freedom of expression, free access of the media and journalists to information and news sources. The respect for the independence of journalists' syndicates and allowing them to disseminate information and opinion without censorship, and undue administrative, or judicial pressures, and the abolishment of the imprisonment penalty in cases against journalists;

7- Development of mechanisms to ensure the neutrality of state institutions and their placement in the direct service of their constituents regardless of political allegiances, and without interference in the affairs of political parties and civil society organizations;

8- Mobilization of all forces and efforts to comply with good governance, political integrity and transparency, and combating corruption as an unethical social, political, and economic phenomenon that has turned administrative corruption into a system for administering corruption. We believe this undermines development efforts, drains national resources, and threatens social peace;

9- Summoning of the private sector to play its role in the contribution to political reforms, the preservation of freedoms and to strive for social justice, affirming the strong link between development and democracy, and ensuring transparency and free and fair competition;

10- Supporting efforts to achieve national reconciliation and unity and avoid the dangers that threaten unity, and feed the sectarian, religious, ethnic, and political conflicts that destabilize Arab states and societies;

11- Appealing to democratic forces in the entire world to put pressure on their own governments to refrain from supporting non-democratic regimes in the Arab world, and from adopting double standards in their relations with Arab regimes;

12- Reaffirmation of the interconnectedness of political reform with the renewal of religious thought, which requires support for, and expansion of, the practice of ijtihad in a climate of complete freedom of thought, under democratic systems of government. Furthermore, we support the dialogue that began several years ago between Islamists and secularists at the local and regional levels and emphasize the importance of continuing such endeavors in order to provide solid ground for the protection of democracy and human rights from any political or ideological setbacks.

To sign the petition, click here

Monday, January 24, 2011

Who among Muslims are most likely to adopt terrorist tactics?

New Terrorism Adviser Takes A 'Broad Tent' Approach

by Dina Temple-Raston, NPR, Jan 24, 2011

January 24, 2011 There's a pattern to recent terror attacks in the United States: Americans — either citizens or residents — have been behind them. In the past two years, dozens of American citizens and residents have been arrested on terrorism charges.

In some cases, the suspects were young Muslims traveling overseas to train for violent jihad. In others, they're accused of actually trying to launch attacks. Attorney General Eric Holder said homegrown terrorism is one of those things that keeps U.S. officials awake at night.

Now there is someone new at the National Security Council who won't be getting much sleep: He's a former Rhodes College professor named Quintan Wiktorowicz, and he's an expert on, among other things, how some people decide to become terrorists.

"A number of years ago, before he went into government, he did some of the most path-breaking work not only on who was susceptible to being radicalized, but most importantly, who was the most resistant to being radicalized," says Christine Fair, an expert on terrorism and radicalization at Georgetown University. "And the findings that he came up with based upon his work really shattered some of the stereotypes we have about Muslims and radicalization."

As part of his research, Wiktorowicz interviewed hundreds of Islamists in the United Kingdom. After compiling his interviews he came to the conclusion that — contrary to popular belief — very religious Muslims were in fact the people who ended up being the most resistant to radicalization.

Fair, who has done a great deal of work on radicalization in Pakistan, said Wiktorowicz's work stayed with her forever. "It really was revelatory for me," she says.

Revelatory because, as it turns out, Wiktorowicz found that it was people who did not have a good grounding in the religion who were the most likely to be attracted by radical Islam.

Peter Neumann is the director of the International Center for the Study of Radicalization at King's College, London. He got to know Wiktorowicz in London three years ago. Wiktorowicz was at the U.S. Embassy there, studying how the British dealt with radical Islamists and then finding ways to apply those lessons to the United States.

For complete article, click here

Saturday, January 22, 2011

USAID's Priorities in Pakistan and Afghanistan

USAID: FRONTLINES
Interview with Alex Thier, December 2010/January 2011

They are neighbors, divided by some of the world's most majestic mountains and a complicated history of shared borders and ethnicities. At USAID, Afghanistan and Pakistan share an office, and occupy all of one man's time. Alex Thier, assistant to the administrator and director of the Office of Afghanistan and Pakistan Affairs, joined the Agency in 2010 with a background spanning field postings with the United Nations and NGOs, and the Washington policy community. His work has focused on the two countries for many of the last 18 years. In fiscal year 2010, he oversaw a staff of nearly 500 Americans, a significant number of foreign nationals, and a $5 billion budget. Many U.S. foreign policy goals in Afghanistan and Pakistan share familiar undercurrents: building sustainable institutions, supporting and empowering civilian governments to provide for their people, and laying the groundwork for long-term stability and human progress.

Thier recently sat down with FrontLines Managing Editor Kelly Ramundo to talk about USAID's efforts in the two countries. Excerpts follow from their discussion.

Theories of Change

Afghanistan and Pakistan, respectively, are our two largest assistance missions in the world, by an order of magnitude. This year we have nearly $4 billion for Afghanistan, $1.5 billion for Pakistan. These are investments that we are making in these countries that are really, at the moment, unparalleled anywhere else in the world.

And so the first question you have to ask is, why are we making that investment? Part of the response is that these are national security priorities. But just because something is a national security priority doesn't mean that you invest civilian assistance dollars unless you think you can actually achieve some sort of bigger impact or effect by investing that money.

I think that we have two somewhat slightly different theories of change for Afghanistan and Pakistan that we hope to be able to accomplish by investing these resources.

Pakistan:

In Pakistan, you have a country that, over history, has swung between corrupt civilian rule and corrupt military dictatorship. As a result, it has failed consistently, for political reasons and others, to meet its economic and development potential.

If you compare Pakistan, for instance, with India—created on the same day from the same material—and you look at their development stories, they're dramatically different. It's not just political, but the politics is very important. In this new era of democracy in Pakistan, we are trying to partner with the government and society to create a much more solid frame for Pakistan's economic and political development.

The ways that we do that are really twofold. We are gravely concerned about Pakistan because of the threat of extremism that threatens to tear the entire state down, to turn Pakistan into a failed state. That's very dangerous for homeland security reasons, for regional security reasons, for the fact that there are 170 million people in Pakistan—it's a huge state—and failure would have catastrophic consequences.

So part of what we do is we focus on stabilization. In the areas where extremism is taking hold, we're trying to focus on root-cause issues: focusing on poverty, focusing on political alienation, focusing on the absence of a credible, legitimate government presence. This aspect of our programming is dedicated to try and work with the Pakistani government to improve that situation in those areas; to diminish the existential threat that Pakistan faces.

The broader portion of our assistance is trying to boost economic and political stability in Pakistan as a whole. We do that by investing in things that will both support the Pakistani people and also support economic growth, like agriculture and irrigation and energy.

For complete interview, click here
Related:
USAID chief to Congress: Don't play games with national security - Foreign Policy

Friday, January 21, 2011

Blasphemy Laws in Pakistan: Javed Ghamidi's Views

Javed Ahmad Ghamidi, reformist scholar and popular television preacher
Islamic scholar attacks Pakistan's blasphemy laws
In the wake of Salmaan Taseer's murder, Javed Ahmad Ghamidi declares Islamic councils are "telling lies to the people"

Declan Walsh in Islamabad guardian.co.uk, Thursday 20 January 2011

A prominent Islamic scholar has launched a blistering attack on Pakistan's blasphemy laws, warning that failure to repeal them will only strengthen religious extremists and their violent followers.


"The blasphemy laws have no justification in Islam. These ulema [council of clerics] are just telling lies to the people," said Javed Ahmad Ghamidi, a reformist scholar and popular television preacher.

"But they have become stronger, because they have street power behind them, and the liberal forces are weak and divided. If it continues like this it could result in the destruction of Pakistan."

Ghamidi, 59, is the only religious scholar to publicly oppose the blasphemy laws since the assassination of the Punjab governor, Salmaan Taseer, on 4 January. He speaks out at considerable personal risk.

Ghamidi spoke to the Guardian from Malaysia, where he fled with his wife and daughters last year after police foiled a plot to bomb their Lahore home. "It became impossible to live there," he said.

Their fears were well founded: within months Taliban gunmen assassinated Dr Farooq Khan, a Ghamidi ally also famous for speaking out, at his clinic in the north-western city of Mardan.

The scholar's troubles highlight the shrinking space for debate in Pakistan, where Taseer's death has emboldened the religious right, prompting mass street rallies in favour of his killer, Mumtaz Qadri.

For complete article, click here

Related:
Profile of Javed Ahmed Ghamidi - Al-Mawrid
Lectures of Javed Ghamidi - Al-Mawrid TV

Thursday, January 20, 2011

How to Meet Muslims ?

How to Meet Muslims: A (Cinematic) Primer
If you don’t know about some of these films, consider yourself uncultured.

By Haroon Moghul, rd, January 19, 2011

The most effective way to counter a prejudice is to know someone about whom the prejudice is supposed to apply. Those who personally know Muslims are far less likely to have negative thoughts and feelings about Muslims—but in a country of now almost 310 million Americans and only several million Muslims, this advice remains wishful.

Add to it that Muslims, unhelpfully, are not distributed evenly across the country, but concentrated in places like New York City, where almost one million Muslims live in our nation’s most crowded metropolitan area. (There is, astonishingly, no major cluster in Oklahoma, despite the obvious importance of that state to the global campaign to install Shari’ah law in random places.) Short of putting Muslims on buses and driving them around the country to be gawked at, talked to, and interacted with, what more can be done?

The next best thing to a living, breathing Muslim is an approximation of one. That is, the silver screen (had you said robots, I’d counter: Muslims will be the last people on Earth to come up with robots). Why not? Movies explore the lives and experiences of Muslims in a format that can be watched as easily at home as on the train (that’s what iPads are for).

Plus, a lineup of cool movies, foreign and domestic, will only make you, your friends, or your community look intimidatingly more sophisticated. Who doesn’t like movies? And who likes people who don’t like movies?

Fear of a Brown Planet

Probably a third of the world’s Muslims live in or come from the Indian subcontinent, such as this writer, descended from the steamy plains of the Punjab but raised in gelid New England. And South Asia’s a part of the world we never stop hearing about. Of course, most of this attention is directed to Pakistan, so let’s start there.

In Silent Waters, we follow a young man from a small village impressed by the Islamist message coming from more urban types. But his falling for the forces of extremism doesn’t come without a price, not least for the secrets buried in the village, sad attempts to forget historic violence and move on, as best as possible. We see in this unsettling film the true cost of extremism, and the ways in which it has undermined, cruelly and uniquely, the religious culture of the societies it does not spring from so much as it consumes from within.

For complete article, click here

Tuesday, January 18, 2011

What Ails Karachi?

Karachi's disease is purely political
By Farrukh Saleem, The News, Jan 18, 2011

ISLAMABAD: Karachi is crying for de-weaponization, something that only the Pak Army can do. But the Army has no solution to problems, purely political in nature. Our largest city has become a triangular political minefield - PPP, MQM and ANP. Political problems can only be solved by politicians, not by generals.

Karachi has a bhatta mafia, land mafia, weapons mafia and drug mafia. So do Beijing, Bogota, Buenos Aires, Cairo, Delhi, Dhaka and Jakarta. But, Karachiites are killing an average of 100 of their own fellow citizens per month every single month of the year. That doesn't happen in Beijing, Bogota, Buenos Aires, Cairo, Delhi, Dhaka or Jakarta.

The weaponized bhatta mafia, land mafia and drug mafia are all symptoms of a disease, but not the disease. The disease is purely political - lack of political will and lack of political capacity. The Pak Army can suppress the symptoms but can never cure the disease. The Pak Army can de-weaponize the bhatta mafia, land mafia and the drug mafia, but if the politicians don't gather the political will and build political capacity, the real disease will linger on, and all the symptoms will come back sooner rather than later.

Over the past 12 years, Karachi's Group Population Ratios have undergone a drastic change. As per 1998 census, close to 50 per cent of Karachi's population affiliated itself with Urdu. By 2010, close to 25 per cent of Karachi's 18 million inhabitants called themselves 'Pakhtun'. Population dynamics is a very powerful science and any city that ignores it does that at the risk of being burnt down to ashes.

For complete article, click here
Pakistan moves to quell Karachi clashes - Financial Times
Karachi: Target killings leave 90 dead in 16 days - SAMAA TV
Deweaponising the country - Express Tribune

Why are Kartam Joga, Kopa Kunjam and Binayak Sen in Jail?

Human Rights, Sedition and State Repression in India
or, why are Kartam Joga, Kopa Kunjam and Binayak Sen in Jail?

January 18, 2011, 6:30-8:00 PM
Room 5409, CUNY Graduate Center, 365 Fifth Avenue
RSVP: PSampat@gc.cuny.edu, dwai@nyu.edu

Speakers:
Somnath Mukherji (Activist, Free Binayak Sen Campaign)
Peter Rosenblum (Professor of Human Rights Law, School of Law, Columbia University)
Meenakshi Ganguly (South Asia Director, Human Rights Watch)
Panel Discussion moderated by Vasuki Nesiah, Associate Professor, NYU

Who are Joga, Kunjam and Sen?

On December 24th 2010, a sessions court in Raipur, Chhattisgarh state in India convicted Dr. Binayak Sen, a medical doctor working for indigenous people for nearly 30 years and a renowned civil liberties activist. Dr. Sen was convicted under the IPC, the draconian Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act and the Unlawful Activities Prevention Act. Along with two others (alleged Maoist leader Narayan Sanyal and businessman Piyush Gupta), Dr. Sen was sentenced to life imprisonment for 'sedition and conspiracy against the Indian state.' Dr. Sen has been challenging human rights abuses in the state and the state sponsored vigilante group - Salwa Judum. He was earlier arrested in 2007 and granted bail after two years. In 2007 Kartam Joga participated in petitioning India’s Supreme Court regarding human rights violations in Chhattisgarh and impunity for security forces and Salwa Judum. Kartam has been in Dantewada district jail since September 2010. Like Dr. Sen, Kartam’s conviction is under the draconian CSPSA and UAPA acts. Kopa Kunjam is an adivasi youth leader working with Vanvasi Chetna Ashram (a Gandhian organization) for justice and democratic rights in the tribal villages of Dantwada and Bijapur in Chahttisgarh.

In recent years, he had been helping people defend their rights against abuses by state, police and Salwa Judum. Framed under murder charges, Kopa was arrested on 10th Dec 2009. In 2005, the Salwa Judum movement was started with state support in Chhattisgarh to oppose the Naxalites. With state backing, the Salwa Judum began committing serious human rights abuses, including killings, beatings of critics, burning of villages, and forced relocation of villagers into government camps. As a prominent leader of the

human rights group PeopleŹ¼s Union for Civil Liberties (PUCL), Sen called for an end to Salwa Judum abuses. He also opposed the Chhattisgarh Special Public Security Act, criticized human rights violations such as torture, extrajudicial killings and campaigned for improvements in prison conditions.

- Human Rights Watch Statement

Peter Rosenblum, Clinical Professor of Human Rights Law, Columbia Law School, served as the Associate Director of the Human Rights Program at the Harvard Law School, before joining Columbia University. He has had a wide range of experience outside academia, including Human Rights Officer with the Geneva-based precursor to the Office of the UN High Commissioner for Human Rights, Program

Director of the International Human Rights Law Group, and Researcher for both Human Rights Watch and the Lawyers' Committee for Human Rights.

Meenakshi Ganguly, South Asia Director, Human Rights Watch, has investigated a broad range of issues from police reform to discrimination against marginalized groups, and has researched abuses surrounding the sectarian riots in Gujarat, the lack of justice in Punjab, issues of religious freedom, the failure t o p r o t e c t I n d i a ' s vulnerable communities--including those affected by the Maoist conflict, and abuses related to the fighting in the states of Manipur and Jammu & Kashmir. She has also advocated a human rights approach to India's foreign policy particularly on countries like Burma.

Somnath Mukherji, from the Free Binayak Sen Campaign, has been a volunteer with Association for IndiaŹ¼s Development for 8 years working with grassroots groups in India, on various developmental issues. He is also associated with the International Campaign for Justice in Bhopal and other campaigns within AID. He works closely with people in the Sunderbans on agriculture, Aila rehabilitation and other issues. Somnath has been involved with the International campaign working for the release of Dr. Binayak Sen since early 2008. He is based in Boston and spends some time every year working with grassroots groups in India.

Pakistani Elite's reaction to murder of Governor of Punjab ?

Pakistan elite silent after Taseer assassination

By Mosharraf Zaidi, Special to CNN
January 11, 2011
(CNN) -- The assassination of Punjab Gov. Salman Taseer by his bodyguard last week seems to confirm prejudices about Pakistan as a country where moderate voices are in danger, where violent extremism is widespread and where investors aren't very safe.

Taseer, ever the entrepreneur, the tycoon and the irrepressible Pakistani patriot, would reject that vociferously. If he could tweet his thoughts from heaven, the prejudiced would have hell to pay. His plain-spoken manner and blunt style were often a political liability. But for all his political faults, Taseer's was a rare courageous voice.

He was murdered for speaking out in defense of a poor, defenseless Christian woman in a village -- something few dared to do. It was Taseer's unambiguous morality in his speaking out for the weak that captured imaginations of those neutral Pakistanis keen to see reason as a dominant force in their country.

Taseer was unique in life and stands virtually alone in death. The deafening silence among the pygmies that make up the rank-and-file of the Pakistani elite is the sound of fear and moral confusion.

The fear is genuine and real. More than the assassination itself, the mainstream reaction to Taseer's murder exposes the cancerous immunity to reason in Pakistan's Islamic discourse. Without expressing anything resembling blasphemy, educated and articulate Pakistanis chided Taseer, even in death, for writing his own death warrant. His crime? Asking for changes to the Pakistan Penal Code, whose blasphemy clauses have been regularly abused for social, political and economic gain

For complete article, click here

Monday, January 17, 2011

Tunisia and the Arab World

Will Changes in Tunisia Sweep Region?
By KATERINA DALACOURA, Wall Street Journal, Jan 17, 2011

Is the Tunisian "revolution" heralding widespread democratic change in the Arab world? Will there be a domino effect of authoritarian regimes toppling one after the other in the region?

Our thinking about these issues tends to be shaped by the Eastern European experience. But the democratic transformations in Eastern Europe occurred in short succession from one another because they shared an important element: the removal of the Soviet "hand" that weighed on their polities.

No such common outside oppressor exists in the Arab world. Change in Tunisia, to the extent that it will occur, may not herald democratization elsewhere in the region.

The Tunisian political situation may share common characteristics with those of other Arab states: rule by a centralized, authoritarian regime; a dominant family that exercises power through patronage and has become increasingly corrupt; control through the army and, more importantly, the security and intelligence services.

However, there are also important differences. Tunisia is in many ways unique in the region in that it is socially homogeneous and has a wide middle class.

Historically, Tunisia enjoyed a strong labor movement, secular opposition parties, and a vibrant civil society—the Tunisian League for Human Rights is the oldest in North Africa. It is also relatively wealthy, not suffering from the widespread and persistent poverty as other parts of the region do.

Its Islamists are some of the most moderate in the region. They haven't been associated with violence. Extremists have carried out attacks in Tunisia in the name of Islam but they have been sporadic. However, it is true that the country's regime carried out concerted attacks on independent centers of political power and civil society over the past 23 years.

For complete article, click here
Related:
Tunisia TV says four arrested with German passports - Reuters
Ben Ali Supporters Keep Key Posts In Tunisian Unity Government
The failure of governance in the Arab world - Guardian
Tunisia Unrest Stirs Passions Across North African Region - New York Times

Intricacies of the US-Pakistan Relationship

Zardari-Panetta meeting `attended by ISI chief`
By Anwar Iqbal, Dawn, January 16, 2011

WASHINGTON: ISI chief Lt-Gen Ahmed Shuja Pasha attended an important meeting that President Asif Ali Zardari held with CIA chief Leon Panetta here on Friday, dispelling a perception that the government of Pakistan did not want to involve the military in its dealings with the Americans.

Diplomatic sources told Dawn that Gen Pasha was not in the presidential entourage which arrived here on Thursday. He travelled alone, participated in the president’s meeting with Mr Panetta but stayed away from other activities.

President Zardari left Washington on Saturday evening at the conclusion of the visit during which he also met US President Barack Obama along with Ambassador Husain Haqqani.

Although President Obama came with his entire national security and counter-terrorism team for the meeting, President Zardari did not take any other official with him, causing wild speculation in the media about the purpose and contents of his talks with the US leader.

President Zardari also met other US officials and lawmakers but his meeting with the CIA chief was considered the most important after the one with President Obama at the White House.

After the Zardari-Obama talks, the White House issued a statement saying that the two leaders focused on shared efforts to fight terrorism and to promote regional stability.

But no statements were issued after President Zardari’s meeting with the CIA chief, which led to speculative reports in the media that Mr Panetta had come with plans to expand drone attacks to areas in and around Quetta where the Americans believe some senior Taliban leaders are hiding.

Since the CIA supervises the drone strikes such speculations were easy to make. Both Pakistani and American officials are refusing to disclose the topics discussed at the meeting.

“We do not discuss intelligence matters,” said Ambassador Haqqani when asked to comment on such reports at a briefing during the president’s visit.

But diplomatic observers in Washington say that Gen Pasha’s participation in Mr Zardari’s meeting with the CIA chief contradicts at least one part of these speculative reports which claimed that the Zardari government wanted to keep the military out of its talks with the Americans.

Related:
Zardari-Obama meeting: 30 minutes in vain? - Express Tribune
Obama stresses U.S. support for Pakistan in meeting - Reuters
Richard Holbrooke’s Lonely Mission - Newsweek

Friday, January 14, 2011

The New Wave of Violence in Pakistan...

Silencing the voices of reason
By Sabin Agha, Dawn, January 14, 2011
 
The murder of my former colleague and journalist Wali Khan Babar has once again angered me. As a resident of Karachi, a citizen of Pakistan and as a journalist who has covered target killings – I feel an excruciating pain in my heart, as if someone has clenched it with an iron fist. I refuse to accept any other explanation for his death other than that it was a cold-blooded, premeditated murder! Babar’s murder sent waves of shock among all of us who knew him personally as well as professionally.

Soon after I heard about Babar’s murder, I switched on the TV to get updates. I heard a talk show host calling Wali Khan Babar, a Shaheed-e-Sahafat. We keep appeasing ourselves by giving our grief labels and tags. But the fact of the matter is that it was a cold-blooded murder, just like Governor Punjab Salman Taseer’s was, and like the other 1,400 innocent Karachiites who were victim of targeted killings last year. The body count at the morgues keeps increasing drastically but unfortunately, the state’s security apparatus deem fit only to issue verbal statements like the one that followed Babar’s murder by Interior Minister Rehman Malik who ordered an inquiry.

I would like to ask Mr. Rehman Malik as well as the Karachi Police, whether they have been able to bring the killers of over 1,400 residents of Karachi to task?

I remember Babar as a learned journalist, a passionate Pashtun from Zhob, Balochistan, who was proud of his roots and heritage. I remember how angry he was over the state-sponsored oppression in Balochistan. I remember my arguments on various issues with this young, vibrant, educated, civilised and forward-looking journalist. His voice of reason still echoes in my ears, a voice that was silenced by unknown assailants.

Journalists are supposedly the voices of reason. We are daring but are also cautious about not offending public sentiments and especially those of armed groups due to security concerns. We are exposed to frequent threats from state and non-state actors with no protection offered. According to Reporters Without Borders, 11 journalists succumbed to violence in Pakistan last year, making it the most dangerous country for media personnel. But many of these journalists were killed in the lawless northwest or in Balochistan. However, Babar was killed in the teeming metropolis of Karachi where apparently, there is not an officially-declared insurgency.

Currently, the state of affairs in Pakistan does not paint a bright picture whether it is about protecting the rights of minorities, providing justice, protecting free speech or providing assistance to journalists.

Each passing day, I count the numbers of the victims in Karachi – the numbers swell and so does the impunity in their murders. Why are these butchers of humanity not taken to task? Is it because they wield more power then the state that they have become a state within the state? Is it because we all fear that we might face the same fate as Wali Khan Babar’s?

For complete article, click here

Related:
Fear grips Karachi as death toll rises to 22 - The News
COMMENT: Living in Karachi - Zafar Hilaly - Daily Times

Tuesday, January 04, 2011

Why Salman Taseer's murder is a setback for democracy - Hassan Abbas

A Bad Beginning for Pakistan in 2011
Why Salman Taseer's murder is a setback for democracy
Hassan Abbas, Asia Society, January 4, 2010

Amid political turmoil following key resignations from Pakistan's ruling coalition, the country received a jolt with the brutal assassination of Punjab Governor Salman Taseer at the hands of a terrorist identified as Malik Mumtaz Qadri—his official security guard, who targeted Taseer on the pretext of his bold criticism of Pakistan's controversial blasphemy law.
Taseer called it "black law," and religious extremist elements misinterpreted this statement as anti-Islamic. His political opponents and some local media outlets also criminally used the opportunity to defame and discredit him with malice. Taseer was also a vocal critic of human rights violations, especially those pertaining to minorities. His barbaric murder is an attempt by bigots to silence all those who want free speech and are challenging intolerance in society. This is a setback for democracy in Pakistan.

Taseer, son of M.D. Taseer, an eminent South Asian intellectual, was associated with the ruling Pakistan People's Party since his student years. He also penned a biography of Zulfikar Ali Bhutto, the late prime minister of Pakistan and one of the PPP's main founders. Taseer had also joined hands with former President Pervez Musharraf—a step not liked by his parent political party—but after the 2008 elections, the PPP decided to appoint him governor of Punjab in recognition of his lifelong contributions to the party.

In addition to his political life, he was a successful entrepreneur and businessman. He set up several chartered accountancy and management consultancy firms and founded the Worldcall group—a major telecom company. He also owned an English news channel in Pakistan, Business Plus, and was the publisher of the English-language Daily Times—a progressive newspaper.

Taseer's death at the hands of a terrorist elicited different reactions around the country. PPP workers condemned the act severely and came out in the streets in protest. However, there were a few who celebrated the killing and even distributed sweets—a sickening development. Some leaders of the religious political parties openly said in media interviews that they will not condemn the killer. Maulana Fazlur Rahman, head of Jamiat-i-Ulema-e-Islam (JUI – Fazal group) remarked that both Taseer and the killer were extremists! JUI-F until last week was a PPP coalition partner but has now shown its true colors.

Another troubling fact is that the killer was a member of the Elite Police—a unit with special training for counterterrorism operations. After the gruesome act, he handed himself over to police and proudly claimed that he did the right thing. This shows pathetic security arrangements and poor management. Some fanatics have already created a Facebook profile of the killer—an indication of divisions within society. Mainstream Pakistanis must speak out strongly and condemn this murder if they want to deny space to extremists in their midst, a small minority that nonetheless is gaining strength.

Hassan Abbas is a Bernard Schwartz Fellow at Asia Society.

Salman Taseer, Governor Punjab, assassinated by security guard over Blasphemy law





The BBC's Aleem Maqbool: "Police say it was one of his own security force that shot him"

The BBC's Aleem Maqbool, in Islamabad, says Mr Taseer was one of Pakistan's most important political figures and his death will further add to political instability in the country.

The PPP-led government is dealing with a political crisis that erupted after a coalition partner quit.

Mr Taseer had recently spoken out against the country's blasphemy law, prompting protests by Islamists.

He was taken to hospital where he died from his injuries.

His alleged assassin has been arrested.

The BBC's Aleem Maqbool, in Islamabad, says Mr Taseer was one of Pakistan's most important political figures and his death will further add to political instability in the country.

The PPP-led government is dealing with a political crisis that erupted after a coalition partner quit.

Mr Taseer had recently spoken out against the country's blasphemy law, prompting protests by Islamists.

Salman Taseer was politically close to President Asif Ali Zardari Police official Mohammad Iftikhar said Mr Taseer was gunned down by one of his own elite security force protectors in Kohsar Market, a shopping centre in Islamabad popular with Westerners and wealthy Pakistanis.

Interior Minister Rehman Malik said: "The police guard who killed him says he did this because Mr Taseer recently defended the proposed amendments to the blasphemy law.
"This is what he told the police after surrendering himself."
Pakistan has seen a wave of attacks by Islamists in recent years, including the assassination of former Prime Minister Benazir Bhutto.

Related:
Governor of Pakistan's Punjab province assassinated - CNN
Q and A with Saman Taseer - Express Tribune
Religious leaders demand Taseer’s dismissal - December 31 news item - DAWN
Outspoken Pakistani governor assassinated - Washington Post
Pakistan's very unhappy new year - BBC
Daily brief: Punjab governor assassinated - Foreign Policy
Deadly Intolerance: Punjab Governor Salman Taseer Killed - Pakistaniat.com

UPDATES:
Salman Taseer murder throws Pakistan into fresh crisis - Guardian

Monday, January 03, 2011

Political Crisis in Pakistan - Temporary

Politicking in Pakistan
Paul Pillar, The National Interest, January 3, 2011

Americans observe the most recent political maneuvering in Pakistan—a withdrawal from the governing coalition by the Muttahida Qaumi Movement (MQM), depriving the government of Prime Minister Yusuf Raza Gilani of a parliamentary majority—with perpetual nervousness about this South Asian nation of more than 170 million. The nervousness has intensified over the past couple of years. Clearly the multiple roles that Pakistan is playing in the conflict in Afghanistan are mostly responsible for this. Americans on different sides of the Afghanistan war issue agree that there is a problem of Afghan insurgents finding sanctuary on the Pakistani side of the Durand Line, and that there is a further problem of Pakistani officialdom retaining old ties with the Afghan Taliban.

Then there are Pakistan's nuclear weapons, which are frequently invoked as an even graver source of worry. In fact, the presumed causal relationships in the Af/Pak theater often get flipped around by people who at least tacitly acknowledge that the counterinsurgency in Afghanistan isn't really doing much to put al-Qaeda out of business. Pakistan is the real prize, so it is said; the most important reason we are supposedly in Afghanistan is to prevent instability from spreading across the border and causing Pakistan to shake apart. The specter haunting such discussions is one of mad mullahs getting their hands on those nuclear weapons.

There's no doubt that Pakistan represents a heap of headaches for the United States these days. There is indeed a lot about which to worry. I would put at the top of the list of worries the underlying volatility of the relationship between Pakistan and India, and the fact that South Asia is still the region with the greatest chance of a nuclear war breaking out. And there is no doubt that Pakistan presents major problems for what NATO is trying to accomplish in Afghanistan, and is likely to continue to do so. Pakistan simply does not see its interests as running in the same direction in Afghanistan as the way that the United States and NATO have defined their objectives there. As for mad mullahs and the nukes, however, I don't see a cause for so much worry. The specter is just that; it is not a scenario. I have yet to hear a plausible path that would bring Pakistan to that nightmare.

For complete article, click here
Related:
Balance of power in Pakistan National Assembly - AP
Analysis: Political unrest may bring U.S., Pakistan army closer - Reuters
There’s no free lunch by Kamran Shafi - Dawn

Female Education is Skyrocketing in Pakistan...

As Pakistan nears bankruptcy, patience of foreign lenders wears thin
GRAEME SMITH, Globe and Mail, Dec. 28, 2010

ISLAMABAD: A terrifying kind of mathematics has become popular among aid workers, analysts and others who spend their lives tracking the fate of Pakistan. It’s a back-of-the-envelope calculation about how the country will get through the coming years without declaring bankruptcy: take the country’s foreign debt ($53-billion), add interest, subtract the $1.8-billion that won’t arrive as scheduled on Jan. 1 from the International Monetary Fund because Islamabad failed to meet loan conditions. Add the staggering cost, perhaps $10-billion, of rebuilding after summer floods.

The numbers seem bleak. The government floated the possibility last week of running a deficit for the coming year of $15-billion.

Islamabad’s latest plan to raise revenue, a reformed tax law, has become bogged down by stubborn opposition parties, front-page criticism and street protests. The cabinet’s economic team is threatening to quit.

Pakistan needs a bailout. But is the country still a good investment?

“That’s the conversation people are having now, about whether you’d be throwing good money after bad,” said Mosharraf Zaidi, a development expert and policy analyst based in Islamabad.

The international community has accused Pakistan of poor financial management for years. Cables recently posted by the website WikiLeaks show a U.S. intelligence official complaining in 2008 about the country’s preference for spending money on strategic military hardware instead of development: “Despite pending economic catastrophe, Pakistan is producing nuclear weapons at a faster rate than any other country in the world.”
........
Many of the nightmare scenarios envisioned after the floods have not emerged, however. Epidemics did not ravage the country as some predicted. The biggest export industry, cotton textiles, limped through the disaster but survived.

Pakistan’s own expatriate community abroad, which already sends home almost $10-billion per year, proved generous with their countrymen. In some backwater corners of the country, flood victims forced to live in camps have experienced better hygiene, education and health care than in their own villages. Those people could get a fresh start, if the international community decides to invest in major reconstruction.

“Let’s build better, this time,” Mengesha Kebede, the Pakistan head of the UN High Commission for Refugees. “There could be a qualitative improvement in the quality of life.”

Others say that demographic forces, and a thirst for education, will ensure that the country eventually pulls itself out of its current problems.

Tahir Andrabi, an economist at Pomona College who has been working on a four-year study of education in rural parts of central Pakistan, said the country already has the falling fertility rates and a growing cohort of educated women usually associated with strong development.

“It’s remarkable, what’s happening in Pakistan,” Mr. Andrabi said.

“This is supposed to be the most dangerous country in the world, and female education is skyrocketing.”

For complete article, click here
Related:
Factbox: Key political risks to watch in Pakistan - Reuters
Let big Chinese investment kick-start the economy - Daily Times